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That Someone Guilty Be Punished - International Center for ...

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Kovačević, who was under indictment on genocide and other charges, and shot dead another<br />

suspect, Simo Drljača, when he resisted arrest. The wartime chief of police in Prijedor, Drljača<br />

inspired acute fear among displaced Bosniaks, and with good reason. He had “personally<br />

obstruct[ed] the return of refugees and displaced persons” after the war “by giving weapons<br />

to the local [Serb] population so that it could threaten anyone who came back.” 547 <strong>Be</strong>lloni<br />

describes the impact of this action:<br />

The July 1997 events had a profound impact. Following SFOR’s overdue activism, [wartime<br />

Prijedor leader] Milomir Stakić, fearing the possibility that ICTY had issued a<br />

secret indictment <strong>for</strong> his arrest, went ‘on permanent vacation’. Instead of the feared<br />

backlash against international peacekeepers, local authorities switched allegiance from<br />

the hard line wartime leader Radovan Karadžić to the more moderate leadership of<br />

Biljana Plavšić … These changes gave Bosniak potential returnees a sufficient sense of<br />

security seriously to consider returning. 548<br />

The following spring, some 10,000 Bosniaks returned to Kozarac, and others returned<br />

to the city of Prijedor itself. 549 In the view of the <strong>International</strong> Crisis Group, “The lesson is<br />

clear: the removal of suspects indicted <strong>for</strong> war crimes … has a ripple effect that can fundamentally<br />

alter the disposition of an area towards [Dayton Peace Agreement] implementation.” 550<br />

Our interviews in Prijedor a dozen years later suggest that the arrest of several key<br />

figures, notably Drljača, probably were crucial to displaced persons’ willingness to return to<br />

Prijedor. Moreover, the arrests of several other Prijedor suspects helped create a more conducive<br />

atmosphere <strong>for</strong> returns if only because they led other war criminals in Prijedor to lie<br />

low, fearing they might be next. Yet we repeatedly heard that the impact of the ICTY in this<br />

respect was limited given the large number of war criminals who remained unindicted and<br />

in positions of influence in Prijedor. We recount these views in the subsection that follows.<br />

First, however, it is helpful to understand the view from Prijedor concerning who was, and<br />

who was not, indicted by the ICTY.<br />

2. The unindicted<br />

Of course, Bosnia is full of crimes that no one has been prosecuted <strong>for</strong>. 551<br />

The Trial Judgment in the case of Milomir Stakić, the most senior person from Prijedor to<br />

face trial be<strong>for</strong>e the ICTY, describes in passing how Radovan Vokić arranged <strong>for</strong> the transfer<br />

on two buses of some 120 Muslim men from Keraterm, a detention camp to which they had<br />

been taken from their homes in Prijedor the day be<strong>for</strong>e, to the Omarska camp. One of the<br />

trial witnesses had compiled a list of “about 60 people he knew personally who were taken<br />

away on those buses and killed.” 552 The corpses of some of the victims were found buried in<br />

82 ACHIEVEMENTS, FAILURES, AND PERFORMANCE

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