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Semiotics for Beginners by Daniel Chandler

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<strong>Semiotics</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Beginners</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>Daniel</strong> <strong>Chandler</strong><br />

world which was reported <strong>by</strong> Jourard in the 1960s is noticeably different now. Saussure, of course,<br />

focused on sychronic analysis and saw the development of a language as a series of synchronic<br />

states. Similarly, Roman Jakobson and his colleague Yuri Tynyanov saw the history of literature as a<br />

hierarchical system in which at any point certain <strong>for</strong>ms and genres were dominant and others were<br />

subordinate. When dominant <strong>for</strong>ms became stale, sub-genres took over their functions. Historical<br />

change was a matter of shifting relations within the system (Eagleton 1983, 111). Unlike Saussure,<br />

the French historian of ideas Michel Foucault focused not on the 'language system' as a<br />

homogeneous whole but on specific 'discourses' and 'discursive practices'. Each historical period has<br />

its own épistème - a set of relations uniting the various discursive practices which shape its<br />

epistemologies. For Foucault, specific discourses such as those of science, law, government and<br />

medicine are systems of representational codes <strong>for</strong> constructing and maintaining particular <strong>for</strong>ms of<br />

reality within the ontological domain (or topic) defined as relevant to their concerns. A particular<br />

'discursive <strong>for</strong>mation' is dominant in specific historical and socio-cultural contexts and maintains its<br />

own 'regime of truth'. A range of discursive positions is available at any given time, reflecting many<br />

determinants (economic, political, sexual etc.). Foucault focused on power relations, noting that within<br />

such contexts, the discourses and signifiers of some interpretative communities are privileged and<br />

dominant whilst others are marginalized. The non-employment of dominant codes is a mark of those<br />

who are 'outsiders' - a category which includes both <strong>for</strong>eigners from other cultures and those who are<br />

marginalized within a culture. On the other hand people who feel marginalized are often very wellattuned<br />

to analogue nuances within dominant social codes - if you want to codify stereotypical<br />

straight male behaviour try asking a gay man to describe it.<br />

We learn to read the world in terms of the codes and conventions which are dominant within the<br />

specific socio-cultural contexts and roles within which we are socialized. In the process of adopting a<br />

'way of seeing' (to use John Berger's phrase), we also adopt an 'identity'. The most important<br />

constancy in our understanding of reality is our sense of who we are as an individual. Our sense of<br />

self as a constancy is a social construction which is 'over-determined' <strong>by</strong> a host of interacting codes<br />

within our culture (Berger & Luckmann 1967; Burr 1995). 'Roles, conventions, attitudes, language - to<br />

varying degrees these are internalized in order to be repeated, and through the constancies of<br />

repetition a consistent locus gradually emerges: the self. Although never fully determined <strong>by</strong> these<br />

internalizations, the self would be entirely undetermined without them' (Nichols 1981, 30). When we<br />

first encounter the notion that the self is a social construction we are likely to find it counter-intuitive.<br />

We usually take <strong>for</strong> granted our status as autonomous individuals with unique 'personalities'. We will<br />

return later to the notion of our 'positioning' as 'subjects'. For the moment, we will note simply that<br />

'society depends upon the fact that its members grant its founding fictions, myths or codes a taken<strong>for</strong>-granted<br />

status' (Nichols 1981, 30). Culturally-variable perceptual codes are typically inexplicit, and<br />

we are not normally conscious of the roles which they play. To users of the dominant, most<br />

widespread codes, meanings generated within such codes tend to appear 'obvious' and 'natural'.<br />

Stuart Hall comments:<br />

Certain codes may... be so widely distributed in a specific language community or culture, and<br />

be learned at so early an age, that they appear not to be constructed - the effect of an<br />

articulation between sign and referent - but to be 'naturally' given. Simple visual signs appear<br />

to have achieved a 'near-universality' in this sense: though evidence remains that even<br />

apparently 'natural' visual codes are culture-specific. However, this does not mean that no<br />

codes have intervened; rather, that the codes have been profoundly naturalised. (Hall 1980,<br />

132)

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