Semiotics for Beginners by Daniel Chandler
Semiotics for Beginners by Daniel Chandler
Semiotics for Beginners by Daniel Chandler
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<strong>Semiotics</strong> <strong>for</strong> <strong>Beginners</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>Daniel</strong> <strong>Chandler</strong><br />
underlying each institution and each custom, in order to obtain a principle of interpretation valid<br />
<strong>for</strong> other institutions and other customs, provided of course that the analysis is carried far<br />
enough. (Lévi-Strauss 1972, 21)<br />
Lévi-Strauss undertook synchronic studies of systems of cultural practices, seeking to identify<br />
underlying semantic oppositions in relation to such phenomena as myths, totemism and kinship rules.<br />
Individual myths and cultural practices defy interpretation, making sense only as a part of a system of<br />
differences and oppositions expressing fundamental reflections on the relationship of nature and<br />
culture. This is expressed in terms of the relations between humankind and various other<br />
phenomena, such as: animals, plants, supernatural beings, heavenly bodies, <strong>for</strong>ms of food and so on.<br />
Certain binary distinctions based on the <strong>for</strong>m of human body are universal and seem fundamental -<br />
notably male/female and right/left. 'Such natural pairs are invariably loaded with cultural significance -<br />
they are made into the prototype symbols of the good and the bad, the permitted and the <strong>for</strong>bidden'<br />
(Leach 1970, 44). Lévi-Strauss argues that within a culture 'analogical thought' leads to some<br />
oppositions (such as edible/inedible) being perceived as metaphorically resembling the 'similar<br />
differences' of other oppositions (such as native/<strong>for</strong>eign) (Lévi-Strauss 1974).<br />
Lévi-Strauss reported three stages in his analytical method:<br />
(1) define the phenomenon under study as a relation between two or more terms, real or<br />
supposed;<br />
(2) construct a table of possible permutations between these terms;<br />
(3) take this table as the general object of analysis which, at this level only, can yield<br />
necessary connections, the empirical phenomenon considered at the beginning being only one<br />
possible combination among others, the complete system of which must be reconstructed<br />
be<strong>for</strong>ehand. (Lévi-Strauss 1964, 16)<br />
For Lévi-Strauss, myths represent a dreamlike working-over of a fundamental dilemma or<br />
contradiction within a culture which can be expressed in the <strong>for</strong>m of a pair of oppositions. The<br />
development of the myth constitutes a repeated reframing of this tension through layers of paired<br />
opposites which are trans<strong>for</strong>mations of the primary pair. These layers begin with classifications based<br />
on physical perception and become increasingly more generalized. Claude Lévi-Strauss has<br />
demonstrated how cooking trans<strong>for</strong>ms Nature into Culture: South American myths oppose the raw to<br />
the cooked (Lévi-Strauss 1970). He comments on his theorizing: 'In order to construct this system of<br />
myths about cooking, we found ourselves obliged to use oppositions between terms all more or less<br />
drawn from sensory qualities: raw and cooked, fresh and rotten, and so <strong>for</strong>th. Now we find that the<br />
second step in our analysis reveals terms still opposed in pairs, but whose nature is different to the<br />
degree that they involve not so much a logic of qualities as one of <strong>for</strong>ms: empty and full, container<br />
and contents, internal and external, included and excluded, etc.' (cited in Jameson 1972, 118-119).<br />
In a major review of the anthropological literature, Lévi-Strauss famously and provocatively declared<br />
that 'exchange, as a total phenomenon, is from the first a total exchange, comprising food,<br />
manufactured objects and that most precious category of goods, women' (Lévi-Strauss 1969, 60-1).<br />
We have referred already to his reflections on the significance of our preparation of food. His<br />
observations on the social phenomenon of exchange are distinctive because he argued that exogamy<br />
(marrying outside the group) and more generally 'the relations between the sexes' are a <strong>for</strong>m of<br />
communication (ibid., 493-4). Language, economics and sexuality - thus arguably the basis of all