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culture, subculture and counterculture - Facultatea de Litere

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MARIANA NEAGU<br />

environment, geopolitical circumstances, historical events <strong>and</strong> also by religious<br />

beliefs.<br />

Linguistic evi<strong>de</strong>nce collected from famous Romanian writers <strong>and</strong> from<br />

colloquial Romanian indicates that linguistic expressions of motion metaphors of<br />

time may be influenced or shaped by cultural-i<strong>de</strong>ological traits <strong>and</strong> assumptions<br />

characterizing our <strong>culture</strong>. With this we suggest that metaphors (both conceptual<br />

<strong>and</strong> linguistic) may be not only cognitively but also culturally motivated.<br />

1. For example, people from English speaking <strong>culture</strong>s like to plan <strong>and</strong> feel outraged when life<br />

intervenes. But if you can’t see the future, there seems less point in planning.<br />

2. This is what Gentner (20 01) found after he ma<strong>de</strong> an experiment that roughly consisted in<br />

asking commonsense time questions to passengers at the O’Hare airport (Gentner 2001):<br />

“It seems that the O'Hare participants preferred to reason with the ego-moving metaphor. This<br />

observation, together with the finding in Experiments 1 <strong>and</strong> 2 that subjects took longer to<br />

respond to time-moving metaphors than to ego-moving metaphors suggests that the egomoving<br />

metaphor is somehow easier or more natural for English speakers. The most obvious<br />

advantage of the ego-moving framework is that it requires fewer distinct conceptual points.<br />

Statements in the ego-moving metaphor express the temporal relationship between an event <strong>and</strong><br />

an observer (e.g., "We are approaching the holidays") <strong>and</strong> therefore can be represented as two<br />

points on a time-line: [Past . . . us [(observer) . . . holidays . . . Future]. Statements using the<br />

time-moving metaphor, in contrast, typically express the temporal relationship between two<br />

events from the point of view of an observer '(e.g., "Spring will come after winter"). In this<br />

case, three time points must be represented, one each for event 1, event 2 <strong>and</strong> the observer:<br />

Past… winter… (observer)… spring… Future]. The fact that the time-moving metaphor is<br />

typically a three-term relation whereas the ego-moving metaphor is typically a two-term<br />

relation probably contributes to the greater processing difficulty of time-moving metaphors”.<br />

(219)<br />

3. It is also claimed that in Classical Greek the past was in front <strong>and</strong> the future behind which,<br />

however, no longer applies to Mo<strong>de</strong>rn Greek.<br />

4. The notion of horizontal motion characterizes the Moving Time Metaphor that we will discuss<br />

in section 2.2.<br />

5. In the case of the conceptual metaphor CHANGE IS MOTION spatial SOURCE <strong>and</strong> GOAL correspond<br />

to the states before <strong>and</strong> after the transition while spatial PATH corresponds to the transitional phase<br />

of a state, <strong>and</strong> spatial direction may be related to the “direction” of a change of state. (see Rad<strong>de</strong>n<br />

1996: 425)<br />

6. These correspon<strong>de</strong>nces are referred to as mappings, i.e. the presupposed, un<strong>de</strong>rlying knowledge<br />

used when speaking about the different domains. (Kövecses 2002: 6).<br />

7. While some linguists such as Evans, prefer the phrase ‘cognitive mo<strong>de</strong>ls’, some other scholars,<br />

such as Lakoff (1999) <strong>and</strong> Moore (2006), favour the phrase ‘general metaphors for time’.<br />

8. As can be noticed, Moore (2006) uses the terms ‘source frame’ <strong>and</strong> ‘target frame’ instead of<br />

source <strong>and</strong> target domain. He argues that motion metaphors of time should be characterized as a<br />

mapping across frames, as opposed to metonymy which is a ‘within frame mapping’. Therefore,<br />

the notion of frame can be used to distinguish between a space-to-time metonymy <strong>and</strong> a space-totime<br />

metaphor. For example, in Pat got the well ahead of Kim the experience of motion entails a<br />

correlated <strong>and</strong> proportional experience of time; Pat <strong>and</strong> Kim both take a single path to the well, Pat<br />

is ahead of Kim on the path when she gets to the well <strong>and</strong> also she gets there first. Pat’s position<br />

on the path st<strong>and</strong>s metonymically for her time of arrival. The position of each entity on the path<br />

(Pat <strong>and</strong> Kim) maps onto the time of arrival of that entity. As position <strong>and</strong> time of arrival are both<br />

associated with elements of the frame of or<strong>de</strong>red motion, it is clear that is a within frame mapping,<br />

i.e. a metonymy.<br />

9. See Mircea Vulcănescu (1991: 135).<br />

152

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