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Impaginato 5.p65 - Universitat Rovira i Virgili

Impaginato 5.p65 - Universitat Rovira i Virgili

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EVIDENCE IN FAVOR OF THE PALAEOLITHIC CONTINUITY REFUGIUM THEORY (PCRT)<br />

125<br />

and to a «butterfly». That same semantic linkage is found between other<br />

phonological variants of hamalau, that is, connections between hamalau and<br />

insects, particularly shape-shifting insects, as has been pointed out previously<br />

in this investigation. Thus, that the same word has both of these meanings<br />

makes the case even stronger: that inguma belongs to the same lineage, the<br />

same word field as the other variants, and, therefore, that it derives ultimately<br />

from hamalau.<br />

Viewed from this perspective, the replicated version mahumahu gave rise to<br />

a phonological variant in mahuma and then over time mahuma underwent further<br />

reanalysis, producing inguma. As noted, the latter expression also refers to a<br />

«butterfly», the «night visitor» as well as to the incubus-succubus phenomenon.<br />

Obviously, if all one had to work with was the final phonological shape of inguma<br />

it would not occur to a linguist to trace that word’s etymology back to hamalau.<br />

Yet there is little doubt about the phonological track followed by the expression<br />

inguma, as one earlier variant form after another underwent phonological<br />

transformation, bringing about phonological and semantic reduction.<br />

When I speak of «semantic reduction» I am referring to the loss of the original<br />

meaning of the term hamalau; the fact that it is a number: that it originally<br />

meant «fourteen». Indeed, it would appear that this meaning exists only at the<br />

head of the semantic chain, i.e., occupying the top node of the etymological<br />

lineage leading to the formation inguma, while the immediate ancestral forms<br />

of inguma, i.e., mamu, mahuma, etc. would have already lost that basic numeric<br />

meaning, leaving a more restricted semantic field in place here only the notions<br />

of the «night visitor» and «insects» were operating. It is also quite possible that<br />

these processes of change were influenced by dialectal variants repeatedly coming<br />

into contact with each other, a process that would have contributed to the loss of<br />

recognition of the underlying semantic contents of the expressions.<br />

Finally, inguma was used not just a common noun, but also as a proper<br />

name, concretely, a form of address used when talking to the mysteriouos being<br />

itself. This fact further supports an indigenous evolution of the term and its<br />

original derivation from hamalau: it reinforces the assumption that inguma<br />

belongs to the same lineage. For example, this obviously ritualized bedtime<br />

prayer addressed to Inguma is found in the Labourdin dialect:<br />

Inguma, enauk bildur, Jingoa ta Andre Maria artzen tiat lagun; zeruan izar, lurrean<br />

belar, kostan hare, hek guziak kondatu arte ehadiela nereganat ager (‘Inguma, I’m<br />

not afraid of you, I take refuge in God and the Virgin Mary; stars in the sky, [blades<br />

of] grass on the ground, [grains of] sand on the beach, until you have counted all of<br />

these, don’t present yourself to me’.) (Azkue 1969, vol. 1: 443).

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