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economically and culturally the center of Aceh. Prior to that time the continuing<br />

pre-eminence of Aceh’s coastal culture reaffirmed Aceh’s position as a<br />

leading Malayu polity.<br />

A second theme that emerges from the history of the northeast coast is<br />

the close links between the elite groups in the various port polities. Because<br />

of the nature of early foreign sources, where lists of toponyms each followed<br />

by short descriptions is the norm, one can be forgiven for believing that<br />

the coastline was littered with small, independent polities with an existence<br />

separate from their neighbors. Despite the tendency among early Portuguese<br />

chroniclers to characterize local politics as being riddled with coups and<br />

countercoups involving a ruler, a regent, and external allies, 14 the reality was<br />

far less dramatic. In Pasai, leadership was obviously seized and held by “men<br />

of prowess,” whatever and wherever their origin. 15 Within a space of about<br />

seventy-five years and nine rulers, four of the latter are clearly recognizable<br />

as outsiders: one from Aru, another from Pidië, a third from Pidada, and the<br />

last from Oman. Aru, Pidië, and Pidada were neighboring ports, and the willingness<br />

of Pasai to accept a prince from these places to become its ruler was<br />

based on marriage ties that had created a single family. Pasai’s rise, therefore,<br />

may not have been due to any inherent superiority to its neighbors, but to an<br />

agreement by neighboring polities who were bound together through marriage.<br />

The ease and frequency with which leaders from the other ports were<br />

raised to be rulers in Pasai appear to confirm this view. Pasai itself was later<br />

absorbed by Aceh in a political scenario typical of this coast.<br />

Pasai emerged as an important entrepot not only because it could supply<br />

forest products, but also because it became a major producer of pepper grown<br />

in the interior. By the early sixteenth century, Pires reports that Pasai produced<br />

some eight to ten thousand bahar of pepper (Piper nigrum, Linn.) annually. 16<br />

Pepper was introduced to Southeast Asia from India as early as perhaps the<br />

beginning of the Common Era and was grown alongside the indigenous pepper<br />

varieties. In Sumatra the earliest date for pepper cultivation is either the<br />

fourteenth or the fifteenth century, with Pasai listed as a major pepper-growing<br />

area. One of the attractions of the pepper plant as a crop is that it does not<br />

require fertile soils, but flourishes under hot, humid conditions and an annual<br />

rainfall of about 2,500 millimeters (98 inches). These requirements are met<br />

in the interior of Sumatra. In early centuries, despite the plant’s slow maturation,<br />

cultivators were encouraged to grow pepper because it commanded high<br />

prices in the international marketplace. Major demand came from China and<br />

Europe, while Gujarati traders were eager to supplement their own Indian<br />

supplies destined for the European market. Pepper consumption in Europe<br />

reached saturation point by the 1680s, and subsequent VOC policy discouraged<br />

production, leading to a decline in pepper cultivation in Sumatra. 17<br />

112 Chapter 4

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