23. Cortesão, Suma Oriental, vol. 1, 144; vol. 2, 241. 24. Teeuw, “Hikayat,” 231. 25. Brown, “Sejarah Melayu,” 36. 26. Cortesão, Suma Oriental, vol. 1, 144. 27. Cortesão, Suma Oriental, vol. 1, 146–8. 28. Cortesão, Suma Oriental, vol. 1, 145–9. 29. Nik Hassan, “Art, Archaeology,” 110; Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 187, 193, 220; Milner, Edwards McKinnon, and Tengku Luckman, “Note on Aru,”18–9; Tengku Luckman, Sari Sejarah Serdang, 39; Hirosue, “Prophets and Followers,” 40–1. 30. Rice, which was ordinarily scarce in Aceh, was available in great abundance under Sultan Iskandar Muda. A major source of Aceh’s supply was the east coast polities of Tamiang, Deli, and Asahan, which he seized in order to gain control of the rice grown in their hinterlands mainly by Batak. By the mid-seventeenth century, Aceh was importing about four hundred metric tons of rice from Deli alone. Lombard, Le Sultanat d’Atjeh, 73; Hirosue, “Port Polities,” 21. 31. Brown translates the passage to read that Sultan Sajak was descended “from the Rock,” which is totally unreferenced and appears meaningless. In his footnote he provides the Jawi, which can be read as “daripada Batak,” or “from Batak,” which makes more sense in the context. See Brown, “Sejarah Melayu,” 112, 239. 32. In 1891, “Malayu” horse traders from the east coast were going to the Karo highlands and presenting offerings at the tombs of Batak lords. Westenberg, “Aanteekeningen,” 227. 33. Robson, Desawarnana, 33; Pigeaud, Java in the Fourteenth Century, vol. 4, 30. 34. Alves, O Dominio, 157, quoting Castanheda’s phrase, “povoação de pescadores.” 35. Iskandar, Hikajat Atjeh, 31–4. 36. Lombard, Le Sultanat d’Atjeh, 37. 37. Alves, O Dominio, 60, 173–4. 38. Catz, Travels of Mendes Pinto, 54. 39. Drakard, Kingdom of Words. 40. Alves, O Dominio, 165. 41. The above account of Aceh is based principally on Djajadiningrat, “Critisch overzicht,” 152–3, 157–60, 167, 191–2; and Lombard, Le Sultanat d’Atjeh, 35–8, 69–70. 42. Alves, “Une Ville,” 96. Alves does not give the actual years that Gil was in Aceh. 43. Alves, “Une Ville,” 102–5, 111 fn 84. 44. Lombard, Le Sultanat d’Atjeh, 32–4; Alves, O Dominio, 159, 171, 176; Alves, “Princes contre marchands,” 128, 175. 45. Masefield, Travels of Marco Polo, 338. 46. Gibb, Travels of Ibn Battuta, 876–7. 47. Cortesão, Suma Oriental, vol. 1, 143. 48. Djajadiningrat, “Critisch overzicht,” 157, 159–60. 49. “Mughal” is the Indo-Persian form of the word “Mongol.” The conquering armies that established the so-called Mughal dynasty, however, were not Mongols but Notes to Pages 114–119 259
260 Chaghatay Turks. As descendants of Timur, they should properly be referred to as Timuris rather than Mughals. The correct name of the dynasty founded by Babur in 1526 is Timurid, acknowledging the ancestry of Timur. Those who came to serve the dynasty were a mixed group that should be called the “Timuri” or “Indo-Timuri.” But the term “Mughal” came to be used incorrectly for the Chaghatay and others who served the Timurids. See Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 62. Because of the greater familiarity of the name, Mughal will be used to refer to this powerful Muslim kingdom and its subjects in India. 50. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 47. 51. Reid, “Sixteenth Century,” 395–414; Boxer, “Achinese Attack,” 109–21; Reid, Southeast Asia, vol. 2, 146–7. 52. Andaya, World of Maluku, 134–5. 53. Lombard, “Martin de Vitré,” 8. 54. Aubin, “Marchands,” 89. 55. Hodgson, Venture of Islam, 81. 56. Andaya, “Ayudhya and the Persian,” 133–41. 57. NA, VOC 1240, Malacca, Missive, fols. 1142–3. The ties between Aceh and Siam appear to have been fairly close. When the Englishman James Lancaster was in Aceh in 1602, he mentioned the arrival of an envoy from the ruler of Siam asking what help Aceh required for the conquest of Portuguese Melaka. Markham, Voyages, 87. 58. Braginsky, System, 71; Iskandar, Kesusasteraan; Winstedt, History of Classical Malay, 1969. 59. Lombard, “Martin de Vitré,” 8. 60. For some examples, see Reid, Southeast Asia, vol. 2, 144, 146–7; and Andaya, World of Maluku, 135–7. 61. Lombard, Le Sultanat d’Atjeh; Ricklefs, History of Modern Indonesia, 32–6. 62. Alam and Subrahmanyam, “Southeast Asia as Seen from Mughal India,” 214. 63. Arasaratnam, Maritime India, 40, 46, 59, 67–8, 72–3. 64. Subrahmanyam, “Persians,” 504–5. 65. Arasaratnam and Ray, Masulipatnam and Cambay, 26; Arasaratnam, “Chulia,” 128–9. 66. Arasaratnam, Maritime India, 119–22, 155–6. 67. Arasaratnam, Maritime India, 124, 128, 137; Arasaratnam and Ray, Masulipatnam and Cambay, 11, 26–9; Subrahmanyam, “Persians,” 511, 513–16, 524–25. 68. NA, VOC 1157, Atjeh, Relaas Arnold de Vlamingh van Oudthoorn, fols. 547r–548v, 570v; NA, VOC 1237, Atjeh, Verbaal Bort, fols. 345v, 350r–352v. 69. Leeuw, Het Painansch Contract. 70. NA, VOC 1200, Atjeh, Advijs Arnold de Vlamingh van Oudtshoorn, fol. 225v; NA, VOC 1214, Atjeh, Missive Thijssen, 126v; VOC 1237, Batavia, Verbael Bort, 351r–v–373r–v; VOC 1240, Malacca, Memorie Thyssen, fols. 1144v–1450v; VOC 1258, Malacca, Missive, fol. 2007. 71. Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail, “Teks/Text of the Raffles MS. No. 18,” 67–73. The description of the marriage between Iskandar and the daughter of the Raja Kida Hindi Notes to Pages 119–123
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LEONARD Y. ANDAYA of the SAME TREE
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Leaves of the Same Tree Trade and E
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To Barbara It’s been a truly wond
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viii Maps Southeast Asia | 2 East-W
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at the library of the Royal Institu
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mountain chains along the spines of
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effective units, whereas others saw
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Although people, and hence document
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stimulus and a justification for gr
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and ordinary people are equally imp
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or “people,” in contradistincti
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The Malayu were one of the earliest
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fourteenth-century Javanese depicti
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18 Chapter 1 Malayu Antecedents In
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speakers in Taiwan between 4000 and
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migration of the Austronesian speak
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Kuala Selinsing in Perak in the nor
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archaeological evidence found at An
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manufacture. There was no compellin
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next. An early sea route went from
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six months. 49 It was in the period
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archaeological finds, according to
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polity. 60 Sathing Phra resembled a
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fifth and eighth centuries Jiecha w
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make landfall at the Isthmus of Kra
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find other outlets for their goods
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uplanders in Champa is seen in thei
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and the process resembles the forma
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Chapter 2 Emergence of Malayu In th
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Sometime between the fifth and the
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R i a u A r c h i p e l a g o L i n
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tices. The founder underwent a cere
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Arab and Persian sources reinforce
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missions to Tang China in 853 and 8
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The first major center of Sriwijaya
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inscription mentions inscribing the
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In a study of all the extant inscri
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frequently occur to challenge the e
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Interpreting this as a sign, he set
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Orang Laut assured the success of t
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greatest “legitimate” right to
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her to another kin group. A milk re
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ing sickness and happiness, helping
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ture more akin to the mainland civi
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involved, individuals are associate
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Contained in this description is a
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with the bodhisattva’s powers and
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considerably. Archaeological and pa
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In describing the Minangkabau matri
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frequent and meaningful at the lowe
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themselves as Minangkabau. Survivor
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96 Chapter 3 Role of Pagaruyung Rul
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from the interior highlands of Suma
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proceeds to recount the fortunes of
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uler, Sultan Mahmud, by his nobles.
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When the VOC became involved in the
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comply with the demands from a dist
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108 Chapter 4 From Malayu to Aceh F
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Malayu heritage. 8 But for almost t
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economically and culturally the cen
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as between fellow rulers. The occas
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Melayu states explicitly that he wa
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separate quarters respectively for
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eginning of the seventeenth century
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to any Indian ship wanting to sail
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as the champion of Islam. Because o
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his Taj al-Salatin (Mirror of Kings
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Aceh being recited by the court sin
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this office was modeled after that
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sal areas by the ruler’s official
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which they brought to incoming ship
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tions of the involvement of the rul
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The gradual shift from the coast to
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contest between the religious schol
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“[t]he most famous man in Aceh is
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Malayuness in the sixteenth and sev
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cannibals. Early visitors to Southe
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On the basis of later evidence we c
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enth century by an entity known as
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transcription or translation has be
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ies, Batak groups moved from the La
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mass market in China in the prepara
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came to form a main marga, which we
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There is also support for the argum
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tombs of the Sibayak (lords) of Kab
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The Sisingamangaraja was revered fo
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something like an ecclesiastical Em
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and directives of the high priest.
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of being “Batak” became both a
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given to the numerous sea and stran
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oats. 10 Another explanation for th
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through the Singapore Straits, but
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special ceremonies. In addition, th
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Mantang were not simply providers o
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the batin dispatched a formal deleg
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Hang Tuah as a model of Malayu beha
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lier centuries when the transpenins
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association with the Malayu and ins
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work must have existed to account f
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The same tale of the flight of the
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iver to the coast, and finally by s
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the Suma Oriental, the distinction
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a subtle form of erecting ethnic bo
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Orang Asli on the Malay Peninsula a
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kabau came to settle. Within the fo
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to the disappearance of the elephan
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- Page 294: 137. Sager, “If We Cross,” ch.
- Page 298 and 299: Select Bibliography Archival and Un
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- Page 306 and 307: Chhabra, B. Ch. Expansion of Indo-A
- Page 308 and 309: Drewes, G. W. J. Hikajat Potjut Muh
- Page 310 and 311: Haan, C. de. “Verslag van eene Re
- Page 312 and 313: ———. Batakspiegel. Uitgaven v
- Page 314 and 315: Liaw Yock Fang. Sejarah Kesusastera
- Page 316 and 317: Mohd. Yusof Md. Nor, ed. Salasilah
- Page 318 and 319: Purba, O.H.S., and Elvis F. Purba.
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Shils, Edward. “Primordial, Perso
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———. “The Formation of a Po
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Willer, T. “Verzameling der Batta
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316 Index pustaha and datu/guru, 16
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318 Index Orang Asli/Suku Terasing,
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320 Index Sriwijaya, 14, 36, 52-54,
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