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kabau came to settle. Within the forests in the peneplain zone, where the lands<br />
between the rivers were particularly large, lived the Petalangan (between the<br />
Siak, Kampar, and Indragiri Rivers), the Talang Mamak (along the Indragiri<br />
River in Bukit 30 National Park), and the Orang Batin and Orang Rimba<br />
(between the Batang Hari and the Musi). As collectors of forest products for<br />
former Malayu kingdoms, they filled a complementary economic niche that<br />
helped them to maintain a distinctive lifestyle and ethnic identity. 20<br />
Among the most well-known of the Suku Terasing is a group referred to<br />
in ethnographic literature and in public discourse as “Kubu,” an exonym that<br />
members of the group themselves reject. One suggestion is that it is a Malayu<br />
term used for the forest people who had contact with the Malayu polities in<br />
southeastern Sumatra over the centuries. The term itself, so the Sumatran<br />
Malayu claim, is the same word as “fortification” because of the resistance<br />
of the “Kubu” to becoming Malayu (masuk Malayu). Early last century van<br />
Dongen collected tales of the origins of the Kubu and claimed that the word<br />
derived from “ngubu,” meaning “forest.” 21 Whatever the derivation of the<br />
word, “Kubu” is often associated in many people’s minds with “primitive,”<br />
“dirty,” “stupid,” etc., and is therefore rejected by the group. 22 Instead, the term<br />
Orang Batin, “people of the batin” [title of Suku Terasing leaders], is used by<br />
the former “tame Kubu,” and Orang Rimba, or “people of the forest,” for those<br />
formerly known in the literature as “wild Kubu.”<br />
Toward the end of the nineteenth century, a distinction was made<br />
between the Kubu based on differing subsistence patterns, language, beliefs,<br />
and boundary mechanisms to distinguish the group from the Malayu. 23 Early<br />
characterizations used the measure of the Malayu to distinguish between the<br />
“tame” and the “wild” Kubu. Such characterizations were based on a belief in<br />
a linear progression from the “primitive” nomadic forest hunting-gathering<br />
lifestyle to the more “civilized” sedentary agricultural existence. In reality,<br />
however, only the “tame Kubu,” enjoyed both worlds because of their ability<br />
to move easily between these two different ways of life. They interacted<br />
frequently with the Malayu and could move into the Malayu world with little<br />
difficulty by acquiring the outward signs of ethnicity defined by language,<br />
dress, and diet. Those who intended to stay longer among the Malayu could<br />
also quietly absorb and apply Malayu customary laws and practices (adat).<br />
Upon returning to the forest, they could then revert to their own ways. 24<br />
Early studies have tended to focus on the tame Kubu, who are regarded as<br />
the oldest communities in Jambi. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,<br />
the Batin Duabelas (the Twelve Batin), the most accessible groups along the<br />
Batang Hari, were subject to corvée labor. Their varied tasks included preparing<br />
for a royal wedding, outfitting a ship to carry envoys to the Dutch in Batavia,<br />
providing timber and rattan to build defenses, and serving when summoned<br />
The Orang Asli/Suku Terasing and the Malayu 205