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46. Barnard, Multiple Centres, 73–4; Netscher, De Nederlanders in Djohor en Siak,<br />

59–61.<br />

47. Rijn van Alkemade, “Reis van Siak,” 133–5. As an interior people, the Petalangan<br />

would not have been summoned to participate in overseas campaigns. This task would<br />

have been allocated to the kingdom’s Orang Laut groups.<br />

48. Barnard, Multiple Centres, 158–63.<br />

49. Suparlan, Orang Sakai, 214. The Ma’ Betise’ (a group that has been called<br />

Btsisi’, Besisi, and Mah Meri) tell a tale of the powerful magic of their shaman, who<br />

was able to make stone float and coconut husk sink, thus helping to preserve the group<br />

from the depredations of the Siak people from Sumatra. Nowak and Singan, “Btsisi’,”<br />

308. The Ma’ Betise’ call themselves Ma’ Heh, “We, People.” For a discussion of the<br />

various names of the group, see Wazir, Ma’Betisék, 13–4.<br />

50. Effendy, “Orang Petalangan of Riau,” 369–70, 377–9.<br />

51. Effendy, Bujang Tan Domang, 27.<br />

52. Effendy, “Petalangan Society,” 632–3.<br />

53. Porath, “When the Bird Flies.”<br />

54. Porath, “When the Bird Flies,” 4–5.<br />

55. Porath, “When the Bird Flies,” 5. This concept is the underlying argument in<br />

Barbara Andaya’s work To Live as Brothers.<br />

56. Porath, “Developing Indigenous Communities,” 110. It is tempting to see this<br />

reference to the “magical left hand” as a residual notion stemming from the association<br />

of Adityawarman with Kalacakra or Left-Handed Tantric Buddhism (see chapter 2).<br />

57. Brown, Sejarah Melayu, 26–7; Cheah, Sejarah Melayu, 86–7.<br />

58. Barnard, Multiple Centres, 43.<br />

59. Lye argues, however, that the Batek on the Malay Peninsula do not fit this<br />

label because their foraging patterns are well planned and structured. Lye, Changing<br />

Pathways, 11–3.<br />

60. Dentan, “Potential Food Sources.”<br />

61. In the past there would have been groups that practiced both foraging and<br />

swidden agriculture. As the forested areas in both the Malay Peninsula and interior<br />

Sumatra begin to disappear, the nomadic foraging is being increasingly replaced by the<br />

semisedentary swidden agriculture.<br />

62. Persoon, “De Kubu,” 454–5.<br />

63. A striking example of this economic symbiosis is the relationship of the many<br />

different nomadic Punan groups in Borneo with their sedentary Dayak neighbors. The<br />

interdependence between these special pairings is so well established that when one<br />

partner moves it is often expected that the other will also relocate. The partners tend<br />

to have similar customs and language and regard themselves as one people. Many of<br />

the “Punan” have nothing but their label and a nomadic lifestyle in common and feel<br />

no affinity with each other, making the whole issue of ethnic labels highly problematic.<br />

Hoffman, The Punan, 56–63.<br />

64. There is no comparable study of the early prehistory of the Suku Terasing<br />

in Sumatra. Studies on the Orang Asli are far more numerous and in general of a<br />

Notes to Pages 210–213<br />

279

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