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Parkin explains that Perbegu can be considered “a cult of the human<br />

soul,” which in a living person is known as “tondi” and for a dead person is<br />

generally called “begu.” 102 Tondi is sometimes translated as “soul stuff” and<br />

is found in smaller quantities in animals and plants. It is present in every<br />

part of the human being, including the hair, fingernails, sweat, tears, urine,<br />

excrement, shadow, and even in the name of a person. The most powerful<br />

tondi resides in the placenta and amniotic fluids at birth, so great care is taken<br />

to dispose of them with the utmost secrecy. Ritual cannibalism provides the<br />

opportunity to strengthen one’s tondi at the expense of the victim by consuming<br />

those parts of the body potent with tondi, such as the blood, heart, palms<br />

of hands, and soles of the feet. When a person dies, the tondi becomes begu<br />

(ancestral spirit). 103 The most powerful begu, and hence subject to the most<br />

frequent appeals, is the sombaon, an ancestral spirit who when living founded<br />

great communities. 104 Through public feasts of homage, a begu is transformed<br />

to sumangot, then to sombaon. 105 The ultimate test of potency was the possession<br />

of sahala, which can be succinctly translated as the “manifestation<br />

of supernatural power.” 106 Sahala is manifested in successful economic and<br />

other ventures, numerous children and grandchildren, influential relatives,<br />

skill in oratory, or bravery in battle. Respect (hasangapon) accompanies one<br />

possessed of sahala, while refusal to obey and venerate such a person courts<br />

disaster. 107 This “cult of the human soul” became an important marker of<br />

Batak identity and a recognizable ethnic boundary with their neighbors.<br />

From early times, religion was closely linked to trade among the Batak.<br />

Religious edifices were built along trade routes to protect the trader from<br />

adverse human and natural forces and thus assure the economic success of<br />

the venture. Edwards McKinnon notes that from Padang Lawas southward is<br />

a line of candi or religious temples marking a route from Tapanuli down to<br />

the Minangkabau lands. More candi are found along rivers used to gain access<br />

to the east coast. The Padang Lawas or Panai complex arose due to its strategic<br />

location at the crossroads of several riverine and land routes. The ancient<br />

kingdom of Panai, sufficiently important to have warranted an attack by<br />

Chola forces in 1024 –5, benefited from its links to the interior areas through<br />

the important transinsular portage in the Panai-Barumun river valley. 108<br />

In the Padang Lawas site, as well as in the Tamil settlements at Lobu Tua<br />

and Kota Cina, religious temples are prominent. With the withdrawal of the<br />

Tamil population and/or their absorption into the Batak community, perhaps<br />

after the demise of Kota Cina in the fourteenth century, the candi were<br />

replaced by tombs erected to honor important Batak ancestors (sombaon). In<br />

the late nineteenth century, “Malayu” (most likely Batak who moved easily<br />

between two worlds, perhaps more properly termed “Malayu Batak”) horse<br />

traders going to the Karo plateau from the east coast made offerings at the<br />

162 Chapter 5

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