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from the latter half of the fourteenth century the Javanese regarded the Batak<br />

areas as part of the Malayu world.<br />

Involvement in international trade encouraged Batak responsiveness to<br />

political and economic shifts that had a direct impact on their livelihood.<br />

While Sriwijaya was still the dominant entrepot in the Straits of Melaka, the<br />

Batak used routes from the camphor and benzoin forests to the northwest<br />

and southeast of Lake Toba southward to Padang Lawas, then onward to the<br />

Batang Hari and eventually to Sriwijaya on the Musi River in Palembang.<br />

When Sriwijaya was conquered by the rival Chola dynasty, the Batak sought<br />

other outlets for their products. The rise of Kota Cina on the east coast and the<br />

re-emergence of Barus on the west coast as ports for the export of camphor<br />

and benzoin drew the Batak toward both coasts. Though Kota Cina disappeared<br />

sometime in the fourteenth century, in later centuries other east coast<br />

kingdoms came to provide an outlet for the export of Batak forest resins and<br />

rice. Batak groups sought to profit from international trade by following these<br />

routes and settling within proximity of these export centers. Another major<br />

economic stimulus to Batak migrations was the growing demand for rice<br />

among pepper growers in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula beginning in the<br />

fifteenth century. To meet this new demand, there were migrations from the<br />

Toba region in search of new rice lands to the south and east of Lake Toba.<br />

Crucial to the success of Batak involvement in international trade was their<br />

religious institutions. Candi and ancestral tombs were judiciously erected along<br />

major trade routes to assure spiritual protection and success for Batak traders.<br />

With the increasing tempo of trade and the dispersal of Batak communities<br />

from the Lake Toba region, there was a need for some form of mediating<br />

power among the scattered communities. This was provided by the institution<br />

of the high priest, which originated in the Toba lands but gained support<br />

in the other Batak areas. Through their claims of supernatural powers, access<br />

to agricultural deities, and creation of a network of officials and markets, the<br />

high priests were instrumental in the promotion of Batak trade until their<br />

demise in the early twentieth century. The activities of the datu/guru helped<br />

to assure ongoing support for the high priests among the Batak in the precolonial<br />

period.<br />

As different ethnic groups became increasingly competitive in international<br />

trade, particularly between the fifteenth and the eighteenth centuries,<br />

every avenue was explored to gain advantage over others, including ethnicization.<br />

The Batak became “ethnicized” by stressing cultural discontinuities with<br />

their neighbors, particularly the Malayu. A Batak acknowledged origins in<br />

the Toba highlands, a belief in Perbegu/Pemena, compliance with the authority<br />

of the high priests, and reliance on the knowledge and spiritual powers<br />

of the datu/guru and their pustaha. In the early modern period the option<br />

170 Chapter 5

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