ofthe SAME TREE

Chapter 2: Emergence of Malayu
1. Christie, “Trade and State Formation,” 50–1.
2. Manguin, “Archaeology of Early Maritime Polities,” 287–8.
3. At various times in the past the Chinese have used “kunlun” to refer to the
most prominent of Southeast Asian inhabitants, including the Malayu.
4. Manguin, “Southeast Asian Ship,” 274–5; Manguin, “Trading Ships,” 258–63.
5. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 153, 199–200; I-Tsing, Record of the Buddhist
Religion.
6. Wade, “Ming Shi-lu,” 353.
7. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, ch. 13.
8. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 165.
9. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 220–5; Manguin, “Archaeology of Early
Maritime Polities,” 303–4.
10. Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 106, 111, 126–7, 129, 181–3.
11. Donkin, Dragon’s Brain Perfume, 127. In the nineteenth century it was estimated
that anywhere from 280 grams to 8.38 kilograms of camphor could be collected
per tree, and one picul (56 kilograms) of camphor could cost four thousand guilders,
a considerable sum in that period. Zeijlstra, “Boschproducten,” 826.
12. References abound on the multiple uses to which camphor and benzoin were
used among early societies. They range from a cure for nasal polyps to a deterrent to
plagues and epidemics to preventing “voluntary emissions by males.” Wolters, Early
Indonesian Commerce, 118–9; Ptak “Possible Chinese References,” 138; Stéphan, “Le
Camphre,” 234–9; Marsden, History of Sumatra, 153, 155.
13. Wang, Nanhai Trade, 96; Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 230, 235.
14. The transcription used by Takakusu, who translated Yijing’s account, is “Sribogha,”
which is another way of transcribing the Chinese characters for “Sriwijaya.”
Although Yijing used “Sribogha” indiscriminately to refer to both the capital city and
the country, only Bhoga was used for the capital city. I-Tsing, Record of the Buddhist
Religion, xxx, xl–xli; Wolters, Early Indonesian Commerce, 240–1.
15. Wolters, “Studying Srivijaya,” 17.
16. Casparis, “Some Notes,” 29.
17. Coedès, “Les Incriptions Malaises,” 34, 35, 37, 53, 58.
18. Coedès, Indianized States, 82–3. Chhabra has challenged this interpretation,
arguing that siddhayatra simply refers to a successful undertaking and had no association
with magic. Chhabra, Expansion of Indo-Aryan Culture, 24–6. In an effort to
reconcile these two positions, Stutterheim suggested that the term in the inscription be
translated as “a pilgrimage of victory, meaning that it was a pilgrimage to obtain magical
powers to gain victory. Nilakanta Sastri then entered the debate by reinterpreting
the texts used by Chhabra to demonstrate that the references to siddhayatra in these
texts did indeed have an element of the search for magical powers to gain success.
Nilakanta Sastri, South India and South-East Asia, 213–9.
19. Boechari, “New Investigations.”
20. Casparis, Prasasti Indonesia, 1–46.
Notes to Pages 50–55
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