Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
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MAURIZIO LAZZARATO<br />
combat <strong>and</strong> struggle against <strong>and</strong> for oneself, against <strong>and</strong> for the others,” 17 a<br />
combat “in this world against the world.” 18<br />
In connecting politics <strong>and</strong> ethics (<strong>and</strong> truth) in an indissoluble way, the<br />
Cynics transcend the “crisis” of parrhesia, <strong>and</strong> the impotence of democracy<br />
<strong>and</strong> equality to bring about ethical differentiation. They dramatize <strong>and</strong><br />
reconfigure the relation to the self politically, by wresting it away from the<br />
good life, <strong>and</strong> from the sovereign life of ancient thought.<br />
Two models for political action<br />
These two readings of Greek democracy are informed by two very different<br />
models for “revolutionary” action.<br />
For Rancière, politics is a compensation for a wrong done to equality,<br />
through the method of demonstration, argumentation, <strong>and</strong> interlocution.<br />
Through political action, those that “have no part” must demonstrate that<br />
they speak <strong>and</strong> not just emit noise. They must also demonstrate that they do<br />
not speak another language or a minor language, but express themselves in,<br />
<strong>and</strong> master, the language of their masters. Finally, they must demonstrate<br />
by argumentation <strong>and</strong> interlocution that they are beings endowed with<br />
reason <strong>and</strong> speech.<br />
The model for revolutionary action based on demonstration, argumentation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> interlocution aims at an inclusion, a “recognition” that, no<br />
matter how litigious, comes very close to a dialectical recognition. Politics<br />
calls forth the division into parts, where “we” <strong>and</strong> “they” are opposed as well<br />
as counted, where two worlds are divided while still recognizing that they<br />
belong to the same community. “The non-counted, in displaying the<br />
distribution [partage] by stealing the equality of the others, can make<br />
themselves be counted.” 19<br />
If we were to find something that resembles Rancière’s model, we should<br />
not look to democratic politics, but to the social democracy that was formed<br />
in the wake of the New Deal in the postwar period. This is the kind of social<br />
democracy that we still find in the French system of co-management of<br />
Social Security, the “dialectical model” of class struggle where the<br />
recognition <strong>and</strong> litigation between “us” <strong>and</strong> “them” constitutes the motor of<br />
development in capitalism <strong>and</strong> in democracy itself.<br />
17 Ibid, 261.<br />
18 Ibid, 262.<br />
19 Rancière, La Mésentente, 159.<br />
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