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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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THOMAS LEMKE<br />

The principal focus of the governmentality literature on the governing of<br />

humans (<strong>and</strong> the simultaneous analytical lack of interest in technical<br />

artifacts <strong>and</strong> non-human nature) as well as the “social” as the unquestioned<br />

plane of reference goes back to <strong>Foucault</strong>’s work, where government is<br />

mostly understood as the guidance of human conduct. 51 However, once<br />

again a more fruitful reading is possible. In the 1978 lecture series from the<br />

Collège de France, <strong>Foucault</strong> refers to a definition of government provided<br />

by Guillaume de la Perrière in an early modern tract on the art of government.<br />

Here, government is conceived of as the “right disposition of<br />

things.”It is concerned with a “complex of men <strong>and</strong> things”: “men in their<br />

relationships, bonds, <strong>and</strong> complex involvement with things like wealth,<br />

resources, means of subsistence, the territory with its borders, qualities,<br />

climate, dryness, fertility, <strong>and</strong> so on.” 52 From this perspective, government<br />

not only focuses on governing humans <strong>and</strong> the relations that exist between<br />

humans. It also refers to a more comprehensive reality that includes the<br />

material environment <strong>and</strong> the specific arrangements <strong>and</strong> technical networks<br />

that relate the human <strong>and</strong> the non-human. This conceptual shift not only<br />

makes it possible to extend the territory of government, multiplying the<br />

elements <strong>and</strong> the relations it consists of; it also initiates a reflexive<br />

perspective that takes into account the diverse ways in which the boundaries<br />

between the human <strong>and</strong> the non-human world are negotiated, enacted<br />

<strong>and</strong> stabilized. Furthermore, this theoretical stance makes it possible to<br />

analyze the sharp distinction drawn between, on the one h<strong>and</strong>, the natural<br />

<strong>and</strong> technical from the social on the other, as itself a distinctive instrument<br />

<strong>and</strong> effect of governmental rationalities <strong>and</strong> technologies. 53<br />

The fact that the boundaries between bodies, collectives <strong>and</strong> institutions<br />

are permanently undermined, reconfigured <strong>and</strong> transformed by socio-<br />

technical arrangements, there are some important links to the work of STS scholars,<br />

especially to actor network theory <strong>and</strong> Callon’s <strong>and</strong> Latour’s idea of a sociology of<br />

translation; see Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom, 49; Peter Miller <strong>and</strong> Nikolas Rose,<br />

Governing the Present, 33-4. Furthermore, there exist some innovative projects to<br />

combine science <strong>and</strong> technology studies <strong>and</strong> an analytics of government: see e.g. Andrew<br />

Barry, Political Machines; Lene Koch <strong>and</strong> Mette Nordahl Svendsen, “Providing Solutions<br />

– Defining Problems: The Imperative of Disease Prevention in Genetic Counselling,”<br />

Social Science <strong>and</strong> Medicine 60 (2005): 823-32; Kristin Asdal, “On Politics <strong>and</strong> the Little<br />

Tools of Democracy: A Down-to-Earth Approach,” Distinktion: Sc<strong>and</strong>inavian Journal of<br />

Social Theory 16 (2008): 11-26.<br />

51 See e.g. The Birth of <strong>Biopolitics</strong>, 2.<br />

52 Security, Territory, Population, 96<br />

53 See Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University<br />

Press, 1993).<br />

48

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