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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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INTRODUCTION<br />

them as residual <strong>and</strong> marginal, which underestimates the dynamic of<br />

resistance, just as it overlooks that programs always contain fissures <strong>and</strong><br />

inconsistencies. Failure can in this sense be taken not as a clash with reality,<br />

but as the very condition of existence for such programs (as <strong>Foucault</strong> shows<br />

to be the case with the prison system in the nineteenth century). The third<br />

problem is that the reluctance to engage in a purely negative critique often<br />

leads to a complete lack of an evaluative perspective, <strong>and</strong> therefore to a<br />

“technical” theory that duplicates its object of study; inversely, governmentality<br />

studies have been reluctant to integrate analyses of technical <strong>and</strong><br />

non-human networks. Finally, the focus on the territorially sovereign<br />

nation state, <strong>and</strong> particularly Western liberal societies, tends to underestimate<br />

global developments <strong>and</strong> exclude thereby the possibility for the<br />

theory itself to be altered by the inclusion of non-Western cases. All of these<br />

problems notwithst<strong>and</strong>ing, Lemke however locates a specific strength of<br />

governmentality studies in their very heterogeneity <strong>and</strong> diversity. He<br />

concludes by suggesting that the above problems can be overcome by a<br />

closer connection to postcolonial theory, gender studies, <strong>and</strong> science <strong>and</strong><br />

technology studies.<br />

Johanna Oksala discusses neoliberal governmentality as a specific<br />

political ontology. The Birth of <strong>Biopolitics</strong>, she argues, should be interpreted<br />

neither as an historical account of the rise of neoliberalism nor as an<br />

instance of ideology critique, but rather as an analysis of how neoliberalism<br />

constructs a particular kind of reality, with a particular regime of truth, with<br />

its own modes of power <strong>and</strong> subjectivity. The Left, she suggests, has in a<br />

particular way been defeated by “truth,” since any kind of extra-systemic<br />

critique today appears as wholly irrational.<br />

Neoliberal governmentality must be seen as both a continuation <strong>and</strong><br />

intensification of earlier biopolitics—the health of the markets implies the<br />

health of the population—<strong>and</strong>, along with a new way of exercising power, it<br />

also produces a new type of subject, with an entrepreneurial relation to the<br />

self, extending throughout all the spheres of experience. Any effective<br />

resistance to this regime, Oksala concludes, must therefore question the<br />

traditional instruments of politics <strong>and</strong> proceed along all three axes of<br />

“truth,” “power,” “subjectivity,” if, that is, it is to fundamentally change the<br />

structure of our present governmentality.<br />

Catherine Mills notes how the increasingly divergent accounts of biopolitics<br />

threaten to dilute its critical power. The concept should be preserved,<br />

she argues, but only on the condition of further clarification that bears<br />

on what the prefix “bio” signifies. As <strong>Foucault</strong> stated, life always exceeds the<br />

30

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