Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
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BIOPOLITICAL LIFE<br />
<strong>Foucault</strong> suggests that normalisation works in opposing ways in discipline<br />
<strong>and</strong> a biopolitics of population. In the former, infractions of the norm are<br />
produced as a consequence of the prior application of the norm, insofar as<br />
the phenomenal particularity of an individual is itself identified <strong>and</strong> calibrated<br />
through the application of a norm. Normalisation produces individuals<br />
as the necessary mode <strong>and</strong> counterpart of the operation of norms, that<br />
is, as a material artefact of power. 43 In a biopolitics of population, <strong>Foucault</strong><br />
suggests that norms are mobilised in exactly the opposite way, insofar as<br />
“the normal comes first <strong>and</strong> the norm is deduced from it.” The biopolitics<br />
of populations, <strong>and</strong> the apparatuses of security that <strong>Foucault</strong> identifies as<br />
crucial to it, involves “a plotting of the normal <strong>and</strong> the abnormal, of different<br />
curves of normality, <strong>and</strong> the operation of normalisation consists in<br />
establishing an interplay between these different distributions of normality<br />
<strong>and</strong> in acting to bring the most unfavourable into line with the most<br />
favourable.” 44 Given these different accounts of the modes of operation of<br />
normalisation at work in biopower, detailed studies of the mobilisation of<br />
norms in regard to specific instances of the management of life processes<br />
today are required. How, for instance, are norms formulated <strong>and</strong> applied in<br />
relation to human reproduction, including contemporary uses of genetic<br />
<strong>and</strong> reproductive screening technologies such as pre-implantation genetic<br />
diagnosis <strong>and</strong> ultrasound?<br />
A precept of such detailed studies should be that in the case of ourselves<br />
as living beings, social <strong>and</strong> vital norms are simultaneously inseparable <strong>and</strong><br />
irreducible; they do not determine each other, but neither can one be<br />
determined in the absence of the other. This condition of living in two<br />
worlds at one <strong>and</strong> the same time points to the ambivalence in the concept of<br />
life, where its meaning is often determined in its accompanying qualification,<br />
as, for instance, biological or social. As I noted earlier, Agamben sees<br />
such qualifications as themselves part of the operation of biopolitics, <strong>and</strong><br />
because of this he resists any engagement with biological conceptions of life.<br />
Aristotle provides his starting point <strong>and</strong> target for thinking about life,<br />
especially the distinction between nutritive life (zoe) <strong>and</strong> political life (bios).<br />
However, this reveals a certain anachronism on Agamben’s part. In<br />
<strong>Foucault</strong>’s view, biopower is intimately related to the appearance of the<br />
biological in the sphere of politics; but biology, as a “discipline” or regime of<br />
for <strong>Foucault</strong>, see Mary Beth Mader, Sleights of Reason: Norm, Bisexuality, Development<br />
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011).<br />
43 See <strong>Foucault</strong>, Discipline <strong>and</strong> Punish, 184.<br />
44 <strong>Foucault</strong>, Security, Territory, Population, 63.<br />
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