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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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MAURIZIO LAZZARATO<br />

But if it is impossible to make politics into a mode of autonomous<br />

action, it is also impossible to separate politics from what <strong>Foucault</strong> calls the<br />

microphysics of power.<br />

In Rancière, the “distribution of the sensible,” which organizes the<br />

distribution of parts (the division of classes that separates the bourgeois—<br />

who have speech—<strong>and</strong> the proletarians—who only express themselves<br />

through noises—as well as the mode of subjectivation (“they / we”), does<br />

not seem to allow for this type of relations. The distribution of the sensible<br />

is a division of functions <strong>and</strong> roles, modes of perception <strong>and</strong> expression,<br />

<strong>and</strong> it is produced in a double way where micropolitical relations play a<br />

fundamental role. The division of society into “classes” (or parts) is produced<br />

by an assemblage of discursive practices (knowledge), by techniques<br />

of governing conducts (power), <strong>and</strong> by modes of subjection (subject). But<br />

this “dualist” distribution is not only the result of the transversal action of<br />

these three apparatuses (knowledge, power, subject), it is itself traversed by<br />

relations of micropower that make it possible <strong>and</strong> operational. The relations<br />

between men <strong>and</strong> women, father <strong>and</strong> children in the family, teacher <strong>and</strong><br />

student in the school, doctor <strong>and</strong> patient in the health system etc., which are<br />

developed within what Guattari called “public facilities” of subjection, are<br />

transversal <strong>and</strong> constitutive for the division into parts. There is a<br />

“molecular” distribution of the sensible, a microphysics of power that also<br />

traverses those that have no part (<strong>and</strong> divides them according to different<br />

lines than those of the great dialectical distribution of us <strong>and</strong> them). It is<br />

impossible to underst<strong>and</strong> contemporary capitalism without interrogating<br />

the relation between the molar (the great dualist oppositions between<br />

capital <strong>and</strong> labor, rich <strong>and</strong> poor, those who comm<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> those who obey,<br />

those who are entitled to govern <strong>and</strong> those who are not) <strong>and</strong> the<br />

microphysical (the power relations that even find support, pass through,<br />

<strong>and</strong> take shape within those that have no part).<br />

“Bios,” “existence,” <strong>and</strong> “life” are not vitalist concepts to which one could<br />

oppose the concepts of the political division of the demos. They are rather<br />

domains of microphysical power, in which we find struggles, disputes,<br />

subjections, <strong>and</strong> subjectivations.<br />

The reflection on how the Cynics understood bios, existence, <strong>and</strong> life,<br />

can provide us with the armature to resist the powers of contemporary<br />

capitalism, for which the production of subjectivity is one of the most<br />

important features. In a certain way, we are obliged to use the Foucauldian<br />

methodology because, in contemporary capitalism, it is impossible to<br />

separate “ethics” from “economy” <strong>and</strong> “politics.”<br />

170

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