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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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ENUNCIATION AND POLITICS<br />

Logos <strong>and</strong> existence, theater <strong>and</strong> performance<br />

For Rancière, politics exists only through the constitution of a “theater,” a<br />

stage on which the actors perform the artifice of political interlocution by<br />

means of a double logic of discursivity <strong>and</strong> argumentation that is at once<br />

reasonable (since it postulates equality) <strong>and</strong> unreasonable (since this<br />

equality exists nowhere).<br />

For there to be politics, a stage of “speech <strong>and</strong> reason” must be<br />

constructed by the interpretation <strong>and</strong> theatrical dramatization of the gap<br />

between the logic of police <strong>and</strong> of equality. This is a normative conception<br />

of politics. No action that underst<strong>and</strong>s public space other than as interlocution<br />

by way of speech <strong>and</strong> reason is political. Rancière, therefore, does<br />

not consider the actions of the suburbans in 2005, who did not respect this<br />

model of mobilization, as political.<br />

The issue is not to integrate people who, for the most part, are French,<br />

but to make them be treated as equals. […] It is to know if they are<br />

counted as political subjects, endowed with a speech in common. […]<br />

This movement of revolt has apparently not yet found a political form,<br />

as I underst<strong>and</strong> this, i.e. the form of a scene of interlocution that<br />

recognizes the enemy as part of the same community as itself. 23<br />

In reality, contemporary movements do not neglect to actualize the political<br />

logic described by Rancière, i.e. to construct a scene of speech <strong>and</strong> reason so<br />

as to lay claim to equality by way of demonstration, argumentation, <strong>and</strong><br />

interlocution. But even though they fight for recognition as new political<br />

subjects, they do not make this form of acting into the only one that could<br />

be defined as political. And even more importantly, these struggles take<br />

place in a framework, which is no longer that of the dialectics <strong>and</strong> the<br />

totalization of the demos that is at once part <strong>and</strong> totality, both “nothing”<br />

<strong>and</strong> “everything.”<br />

On the contrary, in order to impose themselves as political subjects, they<br />

are obliged to break away from the politics of the “people” <strong>and</strong> the “working<br />

class,” such as it is incarnated in the political <strong>and</strong> social democratic regimes<br />

of our societies.<br />

These political movements play <strong>and</strong> juggle with these different modes of<br />

political action, but according to a logic that is not limited to the staging of<br />

23 Jacques Rancière, “La haine de la démocratie – Chroniques des temps consensuels,”<br />

Libération, Dec 15, 2005.<br />

167

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