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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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NEOLIBERALISM AND BIOPOLITICAL GOVERNMENTALITY<br />

based on economic knowledge <strong>and</strong> the strict calculation of the necessary<br />

costs <strong>and</strong> desired benefits. The popularity of self-help guides <strong>and</strong> selfmanagement<br />

manuals are seen as a symptom of this current, neoliberal<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the subject: individuals are solely responsible for a number<br />

of problems that were previously considered social or political issues. 20<br />

It must be pointed out that this neoliberal production of a new form of<br />

subjectivity is not a direct consequence of implicit or hidden ontological<br />

presuppositions concerning human beings, however. The metaphysical or<br />

anthropological question of whether human beings really are naturally selfinterested<br />

<strong>and</strong> competitive is ultimately irrelevant. The crucial <strong>and</strong> fundamental<br />

presupposition is that in order for us to be able to provide a rational<br />

explanation for economic mechanisms we must treat them as if they are<br />

self-interested <strong>and</strong> competitive. The production of a new economic subject<br />

is a consequence of neoliberalism’s political ontology: economic rationality<br />

must be the rationality of the entire society.<br />

<strong>Foucault</strong> argues that the Chicago School took this goal to the extreme by<br />

eliminating the difference between the social <strong>and</strong> the economic. It was<br />

characterized by its use of market economy analyses to decipher relationships<br />

<strong>and</strong> phenomena that were previously thought to belong not to the<br />

economic but to the social or political realm. Economy was no longer one<br />

domain among others, with its own particular rationality, it was understood<br />

as the rationality of the entirety of human action.<br />

The generalization of the economic form of the market to the whole of<br />

society functioned effectively as a grid of intelligibility <strong>and</strong> a principle of<br />

decipherment for social relationships <strong>and</strong> individual behavior. This schema<br />

made it possible to reveal in non-economic processes, relations <strong>and</strong><br />

behavior a number of formal <strong>and</strong> intelligible relations. It became possible to<br />

generalize the economic form of the market throughout the social body,<br />

including relationships that were not conducted, <strong>and</strong> therefore not usually<br />

analyzed through monetary exchanges. An important example is the<br />

neoliberal analysis of human capital.<br />

The theory of human capital developed by economists of the Chicago<br />

School such as Gary Becker <strong>and</strong> Theodore Schultz in the 1960s <strong>and</strong> early<br />

1970s was an attempt to fill a gap in formal economic analysis by offering a<br />

unified explanation of a wide range of empirical phenomena that had either<br />

20 See e.g. Barbara Cruikshank, “Revolutions Within: Self-Government <strong>and</strong> Self-Esteem,”<br />

in Andrew Barry, Thomas Osborne, <strong>and</strong> Nikolas Rose (eds.), <strong>Foucault</strong> <strong>and</strong> Political<br />

Reason: Liberalism, Neoliberalism <strong>and</strong> Rationalities of Government (Chicago: The University<br />

of Chicago Press, 1996).<br />

67

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