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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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ENUNCIATION AND POLITICS<br />

<strong>Foucault</strong> tells us that the gradual shift of parrhesia from the “political”<br />

domain to individual ethics “is nevertheless useful for the city. In inciting<br />

you to care for yourself, it makes you useful for the whole city. If I protect<br />

my life, it is precisely in the interest of the city.” 26<br />

The techniques for the formation of bios (the techniques for governing<br />

oneself <strong>and</strong> others), which were integrated <strong>and</strong> reconfigured by the pastoral<br />

power of the Christian church, have constantly become more important in<br />

the actions of the welfare state.<br />

In capitalism, the “great chain of care <strong>and</strong> solicitude,” the “care for life”<br />

of which <strong>Foucault</strong> speaks in relation to ancient Greece, is assumed by the<br />

state, at the same as it sends packing the population for the slaughter in war.<br />

To take care of oneself, to perform a work on oneself <strong>and</strong> one’s own life,<br />

means to care for the ways of doing <strong>and</strong> speaking that are necessary for us<br />

to occupy the places to which we are assigned in the social division of labor.<br />

To take care of oneself is an injunction to become a subject responsible for<br />

that function to which power has assigned us. These techniques of constitution<br />

<strong>and</strong> control over conducts <strong>and</strong> forms of life are primarily<br />

experienced by the “poor” today (the unemployed, those with minimal income,<br />

poor workers etc.) The question posed by the concepts of bios,<br />

existence, <strong>and</strong> life is not that of vitalism, but how to politicize these relations<br />

of micropower by a transversal subjectivation. If not everything is political,<br />

as Rancière affirms—since “in this case politics would be nowhere”—then<br />

everything “can be politicized,” <strong>Foucault</strong> adds.<br />

At the level of a theoretical definition of politics, Rancière seems to<br />

neglect that which he analyzes from a historical point of view: the work on<br />

the self, the formation of an ethos that he elsewhere describes so magnificently<br />

in the case of the workers of the nineteenth century.<br />

The formation of ethos, bios, <strong>and</strong> existence practiced by the cynics is not<br />

a version of “moral discourse.” It does not constitute a new pedagogy or the<br />

vehicle of a moral code. The formation of an ethos is at the same time a<br />

“focal point of experience” <strong>and</strong> a “matrix of experience,” where different<br />

forms of possible knowledge, the “normative matrices for individual<br />

behavior,” <strong>and</strong> the “modes of virtual existence for possible subjects” are<br />

articulated in relation to each other.<br />

In Rancière, politics is not primarily an experience, but above all a<br />

question of form. “What makes an action political, is not its object or the<br />

place in which it occurs, but solely its form, which inscribes the verification<br />

26 Ibid, 83.<br />

171

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