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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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JOHANNA OKSALA<br />

The market had been a site of jurisdiction, both in the Middle Ages <strong>and</strong><br />

in the sixteenth <strong>and</strong> seventeenth centuries, in the sense that it was invested<br />

with strict regulations ensuring that prices were fair, <strong>and</strong> that there was no<br />

fraud, theft or crime. It was also a site of distributive justice: the rules of the<br />

market ensured that the poorest could also buy things. Entry into a new<br />

regime of truth in the middle of the eighteenth century meant that the<br />

market no longer appeared, or had to be, a site of jurisdiction. It now<br />

appeared as something that obeyed <strong>and</strong> had to obey “natural,” spontaneous<br />

mechanisms. The spontaneity was such that attempts to modify the mechanisms<br />

would only impair <strong>and</strong> distort them. The market thus became a site<br />

of truth—it allowed natural mechanisms to appear, <strong>and</strong> these permitted the<br />

formation of the right conditions for its proper functioning (BB, 30-31).<br />

The market also essentially constituted the site of the veridiction of<br />

governmental practice: a good government now functioned according to<br />

truth rather than justice. This meant that limiting its reach also became<br />

increasingly a question not of rights, but of utility. Limiting the exercise of<br />

power by public authorities was no longer formulated in terms of the<br />

traditional problems of law or revolutionary questions concerning original<br />

rights <strong>and</strong> how the individual could assert them over <strong>and</strong> against any<br />

sovereign. From the beginning of the nineteenth century the key questions<br />

addressed to government were: Is it useful? For what purpose is it useful?<br />

<strong>Foucault</strong> claims that what fundamentally characterizes liberal governmentality<br />

is the idea that “governmental power is limited by evidence, not by the<br />

freedom of the individual” (BB, 62). 11<br />

The possibility of limitation <strong>and</strong> the question of truth are thus both<br />

importantly introduced into governmental reason through political<br />

economy. This is an extremely important moment in the history of govern-<br />

11 In addition to the two characteristics of the liberal art of government—the market as<br />

the site of truth <strong>and</strong> the limitation of governmentality by the calculus of utility—<br />

<strong>Foucault</strong> takes up a third feature: the globalization of the market as an objective. Until<br />

the middle of the eighteenth century economic activity was seen as competition over<br />

limited resources: there was only a certain amount of gold in the world, so as one state<br />

became enriched its wealth had to be deducted from the wealth of others. According to<br />

the new liberal art of government expressed by Adam Smith <strong>and</strong> the Physiocrats,<br />

competition under conditions of freedom could only mean that everybody profited.<br />

Competition in a free market would lead to maximum profit for the seller <strong>and</strong>, simultaneously,<br />

minimum expense for the buyer. For the first time Europe appeared as an<br />

economic unit <strong>and</strong> the whole world gathered around it to exchange its own <strong>and</strong> Europe’s<br />

products in the European market. This was not the start of colonization or imperialism,<br />

but heralded a new type of global calculation in European governmental practice: a new<br />

form of global rationality (BB, 56-57). A global market was thus set as an objective, even<br />

in this period.<br />

58

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