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Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality

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FOUCAULT, BIOPOLITICS, AND GOVERNMENTALITY<br />

C) Reconfiguring subjectivity <strong>and</strong> agency<br />

Cecilia Sjöholm’s contribution deals with <strong>Foucault</strong> <strong>and</strong> psychoanalysis, <strong>and</strong><br />

attempts to elaborate a common ground between his later work <strong>and</strong> Lacan.<br />

Drawing on Lacan’s first seminar from 1953, Freud’s Papers on Technique,<br />

Sjöholm argues that <strong>Foucault</strong>’s presentation of psychoanalysis as the enterprise<br />

of uncovering hidden truths in the subject is mistaken. Lacan in fact<br />

ab<strong>and</strong>oned an analysis of the ego in favor of desire, <strong>and</strong> the question “who<br />

am I?” gave way to another question: “who is talking?” Framed as a<br />

technique of transference <strong>and</strong> counter-transference, psychoanalysis concerns<br />

the forming rather than the truth of the subject, which is compatible<br />

with <strong>Foucault</strong>’s later ideas on self-creation <strong>and</strong> his quest to revive the<br />

ancient care of the self. These convergences are not just accidental resemblance<br />

of terminology, Sjöholm argues: both Lacan <strong>and</strong> <strong>Foucault</strong> conceived<br />

of the formation of the subject as a response to a structure that is always in<br />

place, rather than as an adaptation to a norm.<br />

Maurizio Lazzarato investigates Jacques Rancière’s claim that <strong>Foucault</strong>,<br />

being occupied with power, never took any interest in political subjectivation.<br />

In fact, he suggests, they propose two radically heterogeneous conceptions<br />

of political subjectivation: for Rancière, ethics is what neutralizes<br />

politics, whereas <strong>Foucault</strong>’s political subjectivation is indistinguishable from<br />

a project of ethopoiesis, or the formation of the subject. It is a difference of<br />

opinion that also comes across in their radically divergent interpretations of<br />

Greek democracy.<br />

Lazzarato perceives a logocentric prejudice in Rancière’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing<br />

of democracy. Democracy is, according to Rancière, uniquely based on<br />

equality, which in its turn is rooted in the common fact of language: all<br />

speech presupposes a mutual underst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>and</strong> a belonging to a shared<br />

community, <strong>and</strong> political action means to further this possibility <strong>and</strong> include<br />

thereby those that “have no part” in the common. Against this, Lazzarato<br />

pits <strong>Foucault</strong>’s underst<strong>and</strong>ing of parrhesia, a “truth-telling” that introduces<br />

paradoxical relations into the formal equality of democracy, as well as<br />

a difference of enunciation in the equality of language, <strong>and</strong> also implies an<br />

“ethical differentiation.” To take a st<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> speak the truth is to take a risk,<br />

it pits equals against each other <strong>and</strong> may lead to hostility <strong>and</strong> even war; <strong>and</strong><br />

yet it is the precondition for the production of new forms of subjectivation<br />

<strong>and</strong> singularity, which according to Lazzarato, are downplayed in Rancière’s<br />

formal underst<strong>and</strong>ing of democracy.<br />

Adeena May too looks at Rancière’s critique of <strong>Foucault</strong>, but with the<br />

specific aim of readdressing claims made around autism as a form of<br />

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