Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
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THOMAS LEMKE<br />
very much political; the result of struggles <strong>and</strong> conflicts, of altered<br />
compromises <strong>and</strong> new alliances. 19<br />
There is a second problem with the idea of a continuous displacement<br />
<strong>and</strong> rationalization of technologies of rule. Studies of governmentality tend<br />
to emphasize the “productive” side of power at the expense of the investigation<br />
of “repressive” <strong>and</strong> authoritarian mechanisms. At the center of the<br />
analytical interest are governmental technologies that operate not by<br />
exercising violence <strong>and</strong> constraint but by effecting “powers of freedom.” 20<br />
Such works often ignore or underestimate the role of violent <strong>and</strong><br />
“irrational” forms of politics, e.g. the mobilization of fear or seemingly<br />
“uneconomic” populist discourses. By adhering to a rather abstract concept<br />
of rationality, studies of governmentality have tended to neglect the political<br />
significance of expressive <strong>and</strong> emotional factors in favor of conscious calculations<br />
<strong>and</strong> elaborated concepts. 21 Especially since 9/11, the intimate<br />
relationship between governmentality <strong>and</strong> sovereignty, between neoliberalism<br />
<strong>and</strong> discipline, freedom <strong>and</strong> violence, can no longer be ignored.<br />
The thesis of a continuous rationalization of power is not only wrong<br />
because it obscures the enduring significance of repression <strong>and</strong> violence in<br />
contemporary forms of rule. More fundamentally, it ignores the internal<br />
relationship <strong>and</strong> co-determination between “rational” <strong>and</strong> “irrational”<br />
elements, freedom <strong>and</strong> authoritarianism, that characterize (neo-)liberal<br />
government. Mariana Valverde has, for example, argued that the constitution<br />
of the liberal subject not only necessitates a permanent work of<br />
moralization <strong>and</strong> disciplination of the self; it also makes possible the governing<br />
of “backward” or “primitive” races, classes or sexes in order to bring<br />
them up to the level of autonomous liberal subjects—with the use of<br />
disciplinary or “despotic” techniques. 22 In the same vein, Barry Hindess has<br />
19 See Pat O’Malley, “Risk <strong>and</strong> Responsibility,” in Barry et al, <strong>Foucault</strong> <strong>and</strong> Political<br />
Reason, 192-198.<br />
20 See Nikolas Rose, Powers of Freedom: Reframing Political Thought (Cambridge:<br />
Cambridge University Press, 1999). David Garl<strong>and</strong> has stressed that the governmentality<br />
literature tends not to distinguish adequately between the concept of agency <strong>and</strong> the<br />
concept of freedom. They are often conflated, but it is important to insist on their difference:<br />
“The truth is that the exercise of governmental power, <strong>and</strong> particularly neoliberal<br />
techniques of government, rely upon, <strong>and</strong> stimulate, agency while simultaneously<br />
reconfiguring (rather than removing) the constraints upon the freedom of choice of the<br />
agent.” Garl<strong>and</strong>, “’<strong>Governmentality</strong>’” <strong>and</strong> the Problem of Crime: <strong>Foucault</strong>, Criminology,<br />
Sociology,” Theoretical Criminology 1(2) (1997): 199-204, cit. at 197, emphasis in original.<br />
21 See David Garl<strong>and</strong>, “’<strong>Governmentality</strong>’ <strong>and</strong> the Problem of Crime.”<br />
22 Mariana Valverde, “’Despotism’ <strong>and</strong> Ethical Liberal Governance,” Economy & Society<br />
25(3) (1996): 357-72.<br />
40