Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
Foucault, Biopolitics, and Governmentality
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ROUNDTABLE<br />
on the relation between liberalism <strong>and</strong> freedom <strong>and</strong> capitalism. Deleuze <strong>and</strong><br />
Guattari claim that capitalism is always characterized by two antagonistic<br />
movements: one is the hyper-modernity of capitalism, its hyper-innovative<br />
character; on the other h<strong>and</strong> there are a series of neo-archaisms that<br />
emerge. These things go together. This is why, in the society of communication,<br />
spaces of freedom go together with George Bush! In Italy, to<br />
offer a further example, you have a kind of capitalist alliance between the<br />
media system <strong>and</strong> Berlusconi, <strong>and</strong> which goes together with xenophobic<br />
political organizations like the Lega Nord. In France you have the<br />
modernist discourses of Sarkozy that goes well together with The Ministry<br />
of Immigration <strong>and</strong> National Identity. So, there are these obvious limits to<br />
<strong>Foucault</strong>’s discourses on liberalism <strong>and</strong> we have to underst<strong>and</strong> them,<br />
otherwise we end up in danger of becoming François Ewald.<br />
Julian Reid<br />
I think, in response to Maurizio, it is wrong to think of the absence of an<br />
account of the role of property <strong>and</strong> finance in <strong>Foucault</strong>’s theory of liberalism<br />
as a weakness as such. I think it was a deliberate decision on his part not<br />
to address liberalism through those well-trodden tropes, but to think about<br />
liberalism specifically as a regime of power as opposed to a regime of<br />
exploitation, profits <strong>and</strong> loss. There’s a brilliant discussion between Deleuze<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>Foucault</strong>, where <strong>Foucault</strong> literally says that, you know, we know where<br />
the exploitation occurs, we know where the profit goes, but we don’t know<br />
how to explain the powers through which these regimes of exploitation <strong>and</strong><br />
profit sustain themselves. That’s a very different <strong>and</strong> much more complex<br />
problem <strong>and</strong> way of approaching liberalism than the traditional Marxist<br />
one. I don’t think it’s true to say that liberalism only permits freedom in so<br />
far as we possess property. I think it’s more complicated than that. Freedom<br />
is conceptualized as a property, as a biological property <strong>and</strong> a capacity of<br />
the human. Liberalism aspires to governance in so far as it can know <strong>and</strong><br />
regulate the exercise of freedom as a property of the body, <strong>and</strong> as a capacity<br />
of the biohuman. So I want to say that we should avoid the risk of treating<br />
<strong>Foucault</strong> as either just another or “the new” Marx. Let’s not reify these texts<br />
or expect them to deliver answers to, or complete descriptions of, questions<br />
about how liberalism is functioning today, how it works, what its basic<br />
principles are, even what its ontology is—if it indeed has an ontology? I<br />
mean, it seems obvious to me that we still live in a biopolitical world—we’ve<br />
never been so biopoliticized. When I look at the character of international<br />
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