District Institutes of Education and Training - Teacher Education

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District Institutes of Education and Training: A Comparative Study in Three Indian States There were no reports that any member of the District Institute of Education and Training had visited this school. Teachers knew of the DIET only as a place where teachers went for in-service training. Veena had never been there. Talking to Veena about her work Veena did not seem to mind having the observer in her classroom, but did not actively seek any feedback on the observations made. While requests for clarification of events or interpretations were satisfied with factual information, conversations with the researcher tended to go no further. There was no evidence (through conversations or observations of teachers in classes or in recess periods) that teachers engaged in self-reflection or questioning – or that the Cluster Resource Centre meetings had managed to promote a professional discourse. Although teachers would observe the researcher occasionally interacting with children during break times through activities such as drawing, telling stories and eliciting their reactions, and encouraging children to narrate little stories from their own lives, this did not draw forth any questions or particular comment. For these teachers, teaching seemed to be functional – a means of earning a living and duty of service, rather than a stimulating or interesting occupation. 2.2.2 Case study two: Rajpur school, LJ block, Rajasthan Rajpur school was established in 1911. It began as a co-educational primary school until a move to a new building and single sex (girls’) status in 1980, and it was upgraded to a middle school in 1999. On average, 70 – 80 children enrol in the first year, but admissions continue in the lower classes throughout the year. About 400 children attend Rajpur school. They are predominantly from poorer families, whose parents are potters, labourers or are engaged in farming, small scale animal husbandry etc. Better off parents, who are also the upper castes of the area, send their children to private schools. This leaves the teachers feeling that they get the ‘second class’ citizens, in terms of both social class and caste: Sheila All these children are from very poor families. They all are either SC or ST or OBC. Even Rajpur has got four private schools, so all parents who earn well like to send their children to private schools. Only the families who can’t afford private school send their children here. And their parents don’t pay the sort of attention to their studies that parents in cities pay. They just send them, “You go, so that we can do our work” and when there is work at home, they aren’t sent. Asha In a private school, they send their children regularly, there they are paying fees. Sheila Whenever there is any fair or marriage or any festival in village, a large number of children are absent. They won’t come for whole week or so. For boys, they are much more aware that they have to be educated but DFID 33
District Institutes of Education and Training: A Comparative Study in Three Indian States for girls, they have a set notion that after all they will have to marry and work at home so they keep them at home at will (22.9.99). There were until July 2000 ten teachers, all of whom had the basic elementary teaching qualification, and all of whom came from higher castes than the children. The role of principal was adopted by the oldest teacher present. All these teachers were female, and native to or had married into Rajpur village – a factor they saw as positive, claiming that they know the children better, can understand their problems and, as they put it, ‘tackle’ them accordingly. In mid-July, at the start of the new school year, staffing patterns changed as the addition of higher classes to the school meant it was upgraded to middle school. This entailed a move from one educational authority – the Panchayat Samiti (local panchayat) in charge of elementary schools, to another, the Education Department. The teachers appointed under the Panchayat were to be transferred to other Panchayat schools, while the six new teachers and new principal would continue to work in Rajpur school. Throughout much of the year, as the old teachers waited to go and the new teachers waited for them to go, there were two distinct factions with no-one attempting to establish a rapport or get down to work – a state of affairs that subordinated children’s needs to the politics of teacher transfers. In March, the arrangements changed again; the Panchayat teachers would not now be transferred. A source of internal dissent was that the principal had given the Panchayat teachers the higher classes while the Education Department teachers had been given lower classes. The Panchayat teachers were aggrieved by this as the upper classes, in their view, are less labour intensive. The Department teachers also had to commute to the village from the District town, well over an hour away, and the Panchayat teachers complained about their lack of punctuality. The year groups were divided into parallel classes, although these were often combined when one teacher was absent. The observation focused on teacher Asha’s class, which was sometimes combined with teacher Ruchi’s. Children were seated in lines, facing the teacher and the blackboard. The classrooms were not brightly painted or adorned although the walls bore the uplifting sayings by national leaders found in every government school. Controversy about the literacy ‘method’ Rajpur school is in a block covered by Lok Jumbish, which had ushered in innovations such as a Village Education Committee, and Block and Cluster Resource Centres. Enquiries about changes to the school as a result of these 34 DFID
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District Institutes of Education and Training - Teacher Education

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