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(EU) and the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR)? - FDCL

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Euros. 12 Uruguay had a surplus <strong>of</strong> 0.3 billion Euros, exporting 0.4 billion Euros <strong>and</strong><br />

importing 0.1 billion Euros 13 , <strong>and</strong> Brazil attained a surplus <strong>of</strong> 7.4 billion Euros, with<br />

exports <strong>of</strong> 7.9 billion Euros <strong>and</strong> imports <strong>of</strong> 0.5 billion Euros. 14<br />

Above all, it is <strong>the</strong> so-called “agro-industry” in <strong>the</strong> four <strong>MERCOSUR</strong> countries<br />

that hope for better export opportunities as a consequence <strong>of</strong> a <strong>EU</strong>-<strong>MERCOSUR</strong><br />

free trade agreement containing tariff-cuts <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> reduction <strong>of</strong> European agricultural<br />

subsidies. However, given <strong>the</strong> current international trade regimes it is not clear that<br />

such results will automatically occur:<br />

“While <strong>the</strong>se treaties force developing countries to extensively open <strong>the</strong>ir markets<br />

for <strong>EU</strong>-products <strong>the</strong>re are still high European tariff-barriers for agricultural<br />

goods which are also being produced in <strong>the</strong> <strong>EU</strong>. The FTAs with <strong>South</strong> Africa,<br />

Mexico <strong>and</strong> Chile fur<strong>the</strong>rmore include security clauses for <strong>the</strong> case that a rapid<br />

rise <strong>of</strong> trade flows threatens <strong>the</strong> overall economic situation <strong>of</strong> a partner – in<br />

reality this leaves a way out for <strong>the</strong> <strong>EU</strong> to close <strong>the</strong>ir markets temporarily if a<br />

sou<strong>the</strong>rn partner achieves a successful increase <strong>of</strong> exports.” 15<br />

Never<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> four governments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>MERCOSUR</strong> agree that in <strong>the</strong> agricultural<br />

sector, for <strong>the</strong>m <strong>the</strong> “central <strong>and</strong> essential” issue, success can be achieved.<br />

This, however, would require as a prerequisite “substantial concessions” from <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>EU</strong> negotiation team led by Karl Falkenberg. 16 None<strong>the</strong>less, it should be mentioned<br />

that despite <strong>the</strong> priority that this interest is given, for example, by <strong>the</strong> strong Brazilian<br />

agricultural export lobby, one cannot assume a unified position <strong>of</strong> each particular<br />

government. Despite <strong>the</strong> expressed importance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> agricultural sector to <strong>the</strong> Brazilian<br />

government, even <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>the</strong>re are those with <strong>the</strong> opinion that <strong>the</strong> importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r issues <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> marathon negotiations should not be neglected. Because<br />

<strong>of</strong> this <strong>the</strong>re was a considerable amount <strong>of</strong> disagreement within <strong>the</strong> Brazilian government<br />

during <strong>the</strong> preparations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> FTAA-negotiation round from November 20-21,<br />

2003.<br />

The responsible authority on <strong>the</strong> Brazilian side for all internal <strong>MERCOSUR</strong>- as<br />

well as FTAA- <strong>and</strong> <strong>EU</strong>-<strong>MERCOSUR</strong>-negotiations is <strong>the</strong> Brazilian Foreign Ministry, It-<br />

12<br />

“Argentina”, DG Trade A2/CG/SG/WB, Brussels, June 2003.<br />

13<br />

“Uruguay”, DG Trade A2/CG/SG/WB, Brussels, June 2003.<br />

14<br />

“Brazil”, DG Trade A2/CG/SG/WB, Brussels, June 2003.<br />

15<br />

Own translation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> following original text: “Während die Abkommen die Entwicklungsländer zwingen, ihre Märkte<br />

weitgehend für <strong>EU</strong>-Produkte zu öffnen, bestehen gerade für viele der in der <strong>EU</strong> produzierten l<strong>and</strong>wirtschaftlichen<br />

Erzeugnisse weiterhin hohe Zollschranken für Einfuhren aus dem Süden. Die Freih<strong>and</strong>elsabkommen mit Südafrika,<br />

Mexiko und Chile sehen darüber hinaus eine Sicherheitsklausel für den Fall vor, daß ein sprunghaftes Ansteigen der<br />

H<strong>and</strong>elsflüsse einen Sektor oder die gesamtökonomische Situation eines Partners bedroht - de facto eine Hintertür<br />

der <strong>EU</strong>, um ihre Märkte für den Fall einer erfolgreichen Exportsteigerung eines südlichen Partners vorübergehend<br />

zu schließen.” Taken from Schilder, Klaus (WEED): Regionalisierung unter neoliberalem Vorzeichen? Die politökonomische<br />

Geographie der <strong>EU</strong>-H<strong>and</strong>elspolitik, June 10, 2003, http://www.weed-online.org/artikel/18513.html.<br />

16<br />

The Brazilian Secretary <strong>of</strong> Agriculture repeatedly defines <strong>the</strong> agricultural sector as a priority: “primazia da questão<br />

agrícola”, see, e.g.; http://www.bbc.co.uk/portuguese/economia/story/2003/11/031112_amorimcmmla.shtml.<br />

15

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