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Studies on Panini's grammar - DWC

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The <strong>grammar</strong> of the indeclinables 37<br />

supä samäsalJ, (2, I, 2-4). Immediately the first sup is c<strong>on</strong>tradicted by<br />

su. 18 ku~gati~prädayalJ" 'the first member of a compound may be an<br />

indeclinable, either (a) ku or (b) <strong>on</strong>e of the gatis (a prefix to a krt or a<br />

close adverb to a tUL 1)) summed up in I, 4, 61-98 or (c) <strong>on</strong>e of the<br />

in stances of the prädi~gaT)a in as far as possessing other functi<strong>on</strong>s than<br />

that of a gati (cf. the examples of the Käsikä: su~puru~alJ etc.).<br />

But what about the sec<strong>on</strong>d sup? Does the introducti<strong>on</strong> of these ku~gati~<br />

prädayalJ, supersede the sec<strong>on</strong>d sup as weU, or is it maintained? The latter<br />

alternative would be logicaI. the former a pard<strong>on</strong>abIe licence <strong>on</strong> the si de<br />

of PäI).ini. PäI).ini has taken this licence and his ultra~algebraic interpreters<br />

and critics may here accu se him of 'bad workmanship', for otherwise such<br />

usual forms as anukrtya and apetya could not be explained by his <strong>grammar</strong>.<br />

But if both the sups as restricti<strong>on</strong>s are eliminated does this mean that in<br />

general there are nine combinati<strong>on</strong>s possible for forming a tatpuru~a:<br />

sup + sup, sup + avyaya, sup + tin, avyaya + sup, avyaya + avyaya,<br />

etc.? For the first member tin is explicitly rejected in sû. 19 upapadam<br />

atin, but why does not the au thor say as weU atinä?<br />

As PäI).ini gives a <strong>grammar</strong> and no manual of orthography, a discussi<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong> a doublet such as atra and attra bears <strong>on</strong> pr<strong>on</strong>unciati<strong>on</strong>, and his dis~<br />

cussi<strong>on</strong> of the compounds is of a similar nature. Therefore a compound is<br />

not 'that which is written and printed without any interspace' , but is a unity<br />

in ph<strong>on</strong>al and ideati<strong>on</strong>al respect; ideati<strong>on</strong>al and not <strong>on</strong>ly noti<strong>on</strong>al is this<br />

unity, since in Sanskrit a syntactical coherence may be sufficient for the<br />

formati<strong>on</strong> of a compound; and ph<strong>on</strong>al is th is unity because unifying rules<br />

of accent and morphology enter into play.<br />

Now, the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of an upapada(a close adverb or a modal adverb<br />

or c<strong>on</strong>juncti<strong>on</strong> ) with a tin is discussed with reference to sentence~accent<br />

in adhy. 8 pä. 1 (e.g. 8, I, 71), but nowhere in this päda is the term<br />

samäsa applied to th is c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> (see Böhtlingk 11 p. 286* s.v.). On the<br />

other hand an upapada (an indeclinable, or a noun in käraka~relati<strong>on</strong>)<br />

with a foUowing krt (deverbative noun or indec1inable) is discussed with<br />

reference to accent in the passage beg inning with the adhikära 'samäsasya'<br />

(6, 1. 223) , see e.g. 6, 2, 49 sq., and with reference to morphology in the<br />

7th adhy., see speciaUy 7, I, 37, wh ere the very term samäse is found 2).<br />

Thus from comparing 2, 2, 18 sqq. with the internal compositi<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

three last adhyäyas it foUows that a tin cannot be the last member of a<br />

compound; and the reas<strong>on</strong> for this different treatment is evidently their<br />

accentuati<strong>on</strong>, for in a samäsa of an upapada with a krt <strong>on</strong>e syUable is<br />

udätta by fixed rule, but a verba I word~group such as üri karoti can be<br />

totaUy anudätta (8, I, 68 sq.) or accentuated either iiri karóti or ürî<br />

karoti [cana]. (8, I, 71 and 57 sqq.).<br />

1) It will afterwards be proved that the latter case must be rejected.<br />

2) A fuller discussi<strong>on</strong> of these passages is given §§ 57-60.

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