Studies on Panini's grammar - DWC

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42 <strong>Studies</strong> on Pä~ini' s Grammar sati, yad 'atiTi' iti prati~edhaT[l sasti, taj jfiäpayaty äcäryo 'nayor yogayor (18 sq.) nivrttaf!l sup supeti ... Yady etaj jnäpyate kenedäni1fl samäso bhav4gati? Samarthena (SP. 2. 1. 1 and ~ 31 in fine). § 55. Th e int e r pre t a t ion 0 f eva in 2, 2, 20. MBh. p. 418 I. 19. Ida,!! tarhi prayojanam: amaiva yat tulya~vidhanam upapadaT[ll) , tatraiva yatha syäd; amä cänyena ca yat tulya~vidhänam upapadam 2), tatra mä bhïid iti: agre bhojam, agre bhuktvä. Not e. Cri tic i s m 0 n Pat a ii j a I i 's int e r pre t a t i· 0 n 0 f 2, 2, 20. - In this passage tulya~vidhänam is a bahuvrïhi and amaiva is dependent on its first member tulya, the formula amaiva yat tulya~ vidhänam upapadam refers to SP. 3, 4, 25-58, wh ere syntactical rules for the exclusive use of the am~absolutive are given; an upapada (he says) can only becompounded with an indeclinable am ~absolutive that in its syntactical context does not permit the competing of a ktvä~absolutive, and the composition is obligatory (nityam); or in other words: an upa~ pada can only be compounded with an absolutive which according to syntactical conditions may only have the am~form , and then etc. Pataiijali' s sophistry consists in the double function attributed here to the limitative particle 'only', amaiva yat .. ., tatraiva. In the same way, as it seems, the commentators explain samartha/J padavidhi/J (SP. 2, 1. 1; cf. § 31) by samarthänäT[l padänäT[l vidhi/J samartha/J; but really the cases are not the same; in 2, 1, 1 the commentators attribute a stylistic figure to PäJ?ini; in 2, 2, 20 Pataiijali distorts the text. § 56. T hef 0 r mof s c i ent i f i c t hou 9 h tof P ä J? i n i a n d h i s c 0 mme n t a tor s. In Kätyäyana and Pataiijali we can already recognise the technical reasoning, the dialectics of the Pi1rva~MimäIp.sä and the philosophical schools, where the doubts and difficulties are formulated as dilemmas and where the solution of one dilemma starts the formulation of a new dilemma and so on in a long stream of debate, and where even the accuracy of expression seems to acquire mathematical exactness. Yet however interesting this form of scientific expression may be in the history of Hindu thought, we should go astray in attributing this pseudo ~ algebra and dialectics to PäJ?ini and his contemporaries. But being on our guard against such false surmise we can learn much from these commentators, for how fully they have shown in th is passage their grasp of the narrow relation between the ku~gati~passage and the third adhyäya, a point where even Böhtlingk has fallen short. 1) SP. 3, 4. 25-58; cf. § 35. C c 4. 2) According to examples given the commentator means: SP. 3. 4, 24. Although Pataiijali is right in substracting this sütra from the influence of 2, 2, 20, his method is far removed from modem philology. Cf. § 49 no. 3 in fine.
The grammar of the indeclinables 43 §§ 57-60. Morphological and phonological consequences of the ku~gati~ passage. § 57. Mor p hol 0 9 i cal con s e q u e n c e 0 f SP. 2, 2, s ü. 18 a n d 22. See SP. 7, 1,37. SP. 7, 1,37, 'samäse 'nanpurve ktvo lyap', where the Käsikä comments: samäse 'nan~purve ktvä ity etasya lyab ity ayam äddo bhavati. Examples of the Käsikä: compounds with a gati according to 2, 2. 18: pra~krtya, pra~hrtya (SP. 1,4.60); with an upapada according to SP. 2, 2. 22 in connexion with 3, 4. 59-64 (§ 35, Cc 5. and § 49 no. 6): pärSvata~~kftya. 3, 4. 61; nänä~krtya and dvidha~krtya. 3, 4, 62. Por the indeclinable of negationand disapproval nan (with the forms a~. na and an. SP. 6, 3, 73-77) see the commentators. § 58. P h 0 nol 0 9 i c a I con s e q u e n c e 0 f t h e ku~gati~ pas s a ge: t h e prakrti ~ a c c ent u a t ion 0 f t hef i r s t m e m~ b e r 0 f a c 0 m p 0 u n d, S ü. 6, 2. 49-53. Sa. 6. 2. 49. gatir anantara~ 1) [udätta~ 6, 1. 159; tatpur~e 6, 2, 2. cf. § 33. ~kte, 6, 2. 45; karmaTJi 2) 6, 2. 48. - and with regard to a bisyllabic gati. 6, 2. 1 prakrtyä purvapadam, the adhikära of the section to which the sütra belongs]. 'A gati. but only the last before the krt, is normally accentuated in a tatpuru~a when a kta~participle expressing the gram~ matical object (= which has passive meaning) functions as second member'. Although the Käsikä only mentions examples with the prädaya~: prákrta práhrta. abhyuddhrta, the rule is generaJ. e.g. álamkrta 3) (1. 4. 64). The Käsikä adds the note thäthädi~svaräpavädo yoga~. 'the ru Ie is an exception to sü. 6. 2. 144'; i.e. the two rules cross each other. an active participle in ~ta with prefix is according to 6, 2, 1 H oxytonon; example: duräd~ägatá~. Por the interpretation of sütras 50-53 see Böhtlingk. The examples borrowed from the Käsikä for su. 50 are again too limited in character. cf. av~~kartum (SP. 1. 4. 61; GP. 31 no. 37). In sü. 6. 2, 52 ancatau is the locative of the fini te verb ancati representing the root anc. which is used as a krt according to SP. 3. 2, 59; § 35. Ca 2a. § 59. P h 0 nol 0 9 i c a I con s e q u e n c e 0 f t h e ku~gati~ pas s a ge: th e prakrti ~ ace ent u a t ion 0 f th e sec 0 n d mem b e r 0 f a co m p 0 u n d. Sü. 6. 2. 139. Sü. 6. 2, 139, gati~karakopapadät krt [prakrtyä, 6. 2. 137; udätta~, 1 ) One would expect anantarä. 2) Cf. § 23. a) Wackemagel II p. 226, § 93b a. 4) Wackemagel does not mention this case, 11 p. 226, § 93 a.
Page 1: STUDIES ON PANINI'S GRAMMAR BY BARE
Page 5 and 6: BIBLIOGRAPHICAL TABLE. Not e. - The
Page 7 and 8: I. THE GRAMMAR OF THE INDECLINABLES
Page 9 and 10: The gram mar of the indeclinables 9
Page 11 and 12: The grammar of the indeclinables 11
Page 17 and 18: The grammar of the incleclinables 1
Page 31 and 32: The grammar of the incleclinables 3
Page 39 and 40: The grammar of the indedinables 39
Page 41: The grammar of theindeclinables 41
Page 49 and 50: 11. THE METHOOS AND MANNERISMS OF C
Page 51 and 52: The methods and mannerisms of compo
Page 69 and 70: APPENDIX. § § 94-97. Discussion o
Page 71 and 72: TABLE OF CONTENTS. Bibliographical

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