MEHE KODU ON MAAILM, NAISE MAAILM ON KODU? - Tartu Ãlikool

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SOOLISED ERINEVUSED AJAKASUTUSES GENDER DIFFERENCES IN TIME USE According to Gender Equality Monitor (Vainu et al. 2010), division of household tasks is the most common source of disagreements in families. Over half of women and men admit that this causes frequent or occasional differences of opinion. A survey conducted in the United Kingdom and France (Stancanelli and Stratton 2010) indicated that quite few people prefer routine household tasks, such as cleaning, laundering or ironing, to non-recurrent or rare tasks, such as cooking for special occasions, gardening or repairs. Consequently, the majority of people would like to outsource certain chores, but they cannot afford to do so, primarily because of financial constraints. At the same time, certain tasks associated with home and family (e.g., childcare) can be quite agreeable to people; they increase welfare and cannot be completely replaced by outside services (ibid.). Women spend more time than men on household and family but, in addition to the amount of time, there are also major differences in the nature of household tasks performed by women and men. It is possible to differentiate between female and male tasks, based on the person who usually performs this type of task and the nature of the task. Male tasks involve chores, which have traditionally been the responsibility of men. This includes, for instance, various non-recurrent household tasks. Female tasks are those that have traditionally been the responsibility of women, such as cooking, washing dishes, cleaning, laundering and ironing. Other tasks, such as paying bills and managing other affairs, have been equally divided between women and men and are, therefore, considered as neutral tasks. In addition to gender, female and male tasks are characterised by three more dimensions. Firstly, female tasks often involve routine and inflexible activities that have to be performed at a specific time on each day and cannot be postponed. Male tasks, conversely, can be planned in advance and performed at a suitable time. Secondly, female tasks are often less creative than male tasks. Male tasks can sometimes even have certain entertainment value. Thirdly, female tasks are usually performed indoors and male tasks outdoors. The grouping of tasks by gender does not mean that women cannot perform male tasks or vice versa. However, such labelling of tasks is one of the reasons why men are reluctant to perform ‘female tasks’. The other problem is the fact that female tasks are often perceived as more burdensome than male tasks. Unlike typical male tasks, female tasks are rarely performed for their enjoyment value. (Glorieux and Koelet 2001) In 2010, women spent an average four hours a day on household and family care. The average contribution of men to household work was by one and a half hours shorter. Food management constituted the largest part of women’s household tasks, taking up more than one hour each day, which is almost one third of the total time (see Figure 7). The time spent by women on household upkeep and childcare was shorter by half, being nearly half an hour a day. For men, household upkeep was the longest daily household task, at half an hour a day, which is almost the same as the time spent on this by women. Food management also constituted a fairly large part of men’s household work, with slightly less than half an hour a day. However, women still spent more than thrice as much time per day in the kitchen as men. In addition to household upkeep, the division of time between women and men was also quite equal in gardening, shopping and various fee-charging and adminsitrative services (e.g. bank, laundry, hairdressing, car services, etc.) and household-related travel. The only actual ‘male task’ was construction and repairs, on which men spent an average of 19 minutes a day and women only 2 minutes. In addition to food management, ‘female tasks’ also included care for textiles and childcare. (Figure 7) The average time spent by men on certain household tasks was much shorter not because men are quicker in performing these tasks but because the share of men engaged in household care is considerably smaller than the corresponding share of women. In 2010, 93% of women and 80% of men had performed at least one type of household tasks. While almost all women had been managing food (84%), only half of men had cooked meals (46%). The gender gap was quite large with regard to household upkeep as well – 60% of women and 36% of men had performed tasks of this nature. Twice as many women as men were engaged in various care tasks such as childcare or helping adult family members and more than six times as many women had cared for textiles. The number of men engaged in construction and repair tasks was almost six times bigger than the corresponding number of women. Engagement in other household tasks was fairly equal between women and men. MEHE KODU ON MAAILM, NAISE MAAILM ON KODU? MAN’S HOME IS THE WORLD, WOMAN’S WORLD IS HER HOME? 33
SOOLISED ERINEVUSED AJAKASUTUSES GENDER DIFFERENCES IN TIME USE If we exclude the people, who never performed some tasks, from the calculation of average time use, the differences in time spent on household by men and women are much smaller (see Figure 8). Women spend more time than men on childcare, food management and care for textiles. Men spend more time on construction and repairs and household upkeep. As the term ‘household upkeep’ covers, in addition to room cleaning, also cleaning of a yard and garden, tasks associated with heating and water supply, and maintenance of household items, one could assume that the longer time spent by men on household upkeep is primarily due to these latter activities. Men spend the most time on construction and repairs, while childcare is the most time-consuming activity for women. Women who are engaged in childcare tasks, spend on this over two hours a day on average. The length of childcare by men is by 45 minutes shorter. Men spend less time on caring for children primarily because of their greater engagement in employment. (Figure 8) Today, childcare means much more than simply looking after children and providing physical care. Society has created a standard model of a ‘good mother’ and a ‘good father’, which parents are trying to emulate (Schneider 2010). Even though surveys have indicated that the time spent on childcare has not changed over time, women now feel that they do not dedicate enough time to this (Bianchi et al. 2007). The expectations for fathers have changed as well and they have been pulled into the debate on balancing work and family life (Haas, Hwang, Russell 2000, cit. via O’Brien 2006). Fathers are now expected to be actively involved in raising the children, while also earning income (Day, Lewis, O’Brien, Lamb 2004, cit. via O’Brien 2006). Compared with the time ten years ago, women and men with children now spend slightly more time on childcare. In 2000, men spent an average of one hour and women a little less than two hours a day on this. In 2010, women spent an average of 2.5 hours and men over one and a half hours a day on childcare (see Figure 9). In addition to gender differences in the length of time spent on childcare, there are also differences in the types of care provided by men and women. Women are, significantly more than men, engaged in physical care and supervision of children. The amount of time spent on social childcare, which includes teaching, reading to the child, playing with and talking to the child, walking with and transporting the child, is roughly equal for women and men. (Figure 9) One of the key issues concerning the division of household tasks between women and men is the question whether the time spent on household would differ by gender if the time spent on employment were equal. Gender differences in the time spent on household and family, as well as the factors influencing this time, are highlighted by the regression model (see Table 2). Like the model of total committed time, it enables to analyse the impact of sex, age, education, children’s age, place of residence and marital status on the time spent on household tasks. Other parameters considered include ethnic nationality, household’s dwelling type, and the number of hours spent on employment. If the amount of time spent on employment were similar for women and men, and assuming that other parameters remain unchanged, we can see that women spend over an hour (70 min) more than men on household tasks in a week. Compared with the age group 15–24, persons younger than that spend almost an hour less and older people an hour more on household work. In addition, the existence of children and the age of the youngest household member are important determinants of the length of time spent on household work – the time spent on household care increases by 72 minutes if there are children under seven years of age in the household. Compared to single persons, having a partner adds 50 minutes to household tasks. However, the time required for household work is reduced by half an hour if the household lives in an apartment. The coefficient of time spent on employment indicates that every minute worked for salary reduces the length of time spent on household tasks by 0.3 minutes. Consequently, one hour of paid work reduces the time spent on household chores by 18 minutes. Compared to men, the time spent by women on household care on workdays is more dependent on the woman’s age, education and age of the youngest child. If the household includes a child 0–6 years of age, the length of women’s household work increases by more than one and a half hours. Similarly, the time spent by women on household is more sensitive to hours spent on 34 MEHE KODU ON MAAILM, NAISE MAAILM ON KODU? MAN’S HOME IS THE WORLD, WOMAN’S WORLD IS HER HOME?
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Page 3 and 4: Koostanud Statistikaameti rahvastik
Page 5 and 6: SAATESÕNA PREFACE PREFACE Overview
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KULTUURIASUTUSTES KÄIMINE VISITING
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NAISED JA MEHED HARIDUSELUS WOMEN A
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