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110<br />
anarchism: a beginner’s guide<br />
centuries enthusiasm for syndicalism swept through Europe,<br />
Scandinavia, Canada and across the Americas. Yet most of the<br />
resulting organizations prioritized working-class unity over<br />
ideological commitment. Indeed, the member’s pocket book for the<br />
US International Workers of the World (IWW or Wobblies) includes<br />
the following resolution:<br />
That to the end of promoting industrial unity and of securing<br />
necessary discipline within the organization, the IWW refuses all<br />
alliances, direct and indirect, with existing political parties or<br />
anti-political sects, and disclaims responsibility for any individual<br />
opinion or act which may be at variance with the purposes herein<br />
expressed. 36<br />
The founding congress of Belles Artes in 1910 defined the CNT in<br />
similarly neutral terms. The CNT was designed to help the working<br />
class ‘gain its complete freedom, by means of the revolutionary<br />
expropriation of the bourgeoisie’. 37 Yet a significant number of militants<br />
within the CNT understood that revolutionary action implied<br />
a commitment to anarchy and the milieu within which the CNT<br />
operated was shaped by anarchist ideas. At the 1936 Zaragoza<br />
conference the CNT accepted a detailed plan for anarcho-communist<br />
organization as the basis for revolutionary action.<br />
The CNT was also a powerful organization. At its peak, it had an<br />
estimated 800,000 members. Moreover, it had a well-developed<br />
federal structure, and although there were arguments within the<br />
CNT about the priority attached to industrial federation or local<br />
autonomy, it remained an effective focus for revolutionary action.<br />
Above all, in the revolution prompted by the outbreak of the Spanish<br />
Civil War, the CNT got the opportunity to test the practicality of<br />
anarchist principles of organization.<br />
Anarchists evaluating the CNT’s civil war experience fall into one<br />
or two strongly contrasting camps. Its staunchest defenders<br />
acknowledge weaknesses in the CNT’s programmes of land collectivization<br />
and worker self-management, admit that some sectors of<br />
the economy worked better than others and that the co-ordination<br />
of economic activity was dogged by serious problems. But in<br />
Catalonia – and Barcelona in particular, where the CNT predominated<br />
– they also argue that the workers proved themselves more<br />
than capable of taking control of the economic apparatus. In the first<br />
days of the civil war, workers provided arms and ammunitions for<br />
militias, as well as milk and bread for citizens. As the revolution