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62<br />

anarchism: a beginner’s guide<br />

‘like Mussolini … and Hitler, people who, like Lenin himself, cursed<br />

their weak and inept bourgeoisies for having failed to establish their<br />

nation’s greatness’. Yet in contrast to Rocker, Perlman argued that<br />

nationalism predated the idea of the nation. On his account nationalism<br />

was never about patriotic self-determination or emancipation,<br />

but always about domination and control. To those who defined the<br />

nation as ‘an organized territory consisting of people who share a<br />

common language, religion and customs’, Perlman argued:<br />

This is not a description of the phenomenon but an apology for it, a<br />

justification … The common language, religion and customs … were<br />

mere pretexts, instruments for mobilizing armies. The culmination of<br />

the process was not an enshrinement of the commonalities, but a<br />

depletion, a total loss of language, religion and customs; the inhabitants<br />

of a nation … worshipped on the altar of the state and<br />

confined their customs to those permitted by the national police. 41<br />

Perlman’s conclusion, like Rocker’s, was that nationalism served<br />

only to draw the people closer to Leviathan and that its success could<br />

be measured by their willingness to regard others with hostility as<br />

outsiders.<br />

Rather than concentrating on nationalism, other primitivists have<br />

identified the power of the state with what appear to be the blander –<br />

but also more insidious – aspects of ideology. For example, one of<br />

Zerzan’s concerns is the notion of time. In 1944 George Woodcock<br />

wrote an essay denouncing as a tyrannous abstraction the domination<br />

of mechanized time. Zerzan develops a similar view, comparing linear<br />

to cyclical time. Linear time orders and constrains us by structuring<br />

our activities – in the workplace, forcing the pace of production and<br />

organizing the routine of daily life – and our consciousness. It has no<br />

connection with the rhythms of the natural world. In linear time life is<br />

understood as a simple progression in which each individual waits for<br />

its end. It is the measure of ‘history, then progress, then an idolatry of<br />

the future that sacrifices species, languages, cultures, and … the entire<br />

natural world on the altar of some future’. 42<br />

The anti-anarchist Bob Black attacks the idea of work which,<br />

drawing on the thought of the French philosopher Michel Foucault,<br />

he equates with discipline. Work, he argues, is a site for ‘totalitarian’<br />

control: ‘surveillance, rotework, imposed work tempos, production<br />

quotas, punching-in and -out’. 43 In Black’s view, workplaces –<br />

factories, offices and shops – are no different in kind from prisons,

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