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focused on the question of violence. Anarchists have usually<br />

positioned themselves in the resulting debates by distinguishing<br />

revolutionary violence from terrorism. The table below gives an<br />

indication of where leading anarchists stand.<br />

Anarchist positions on violence and terrorism<br />

strategies for change 159<br />

Revolution Violence Terrorism<br />

Likely/necessary Unnecessary/unjustified Justified Immoral/ineffective<br />

Bakunin, Kropotkin, Proudhon, Reclus, Kropotkin, Tolstoy,<br />

Malatesta, Reclus, Tolstoy, Woodcock, Malatesta, Goldman, Bookchin,<br />

Makhno, Goldman, Clark, Ward Richards, Clark, Woodcock,<br />

Richards, Bookchin, Zerzan Ward<br />

Zerzan<br />

There are significant differences between these positions, even<br />

between those anarchists who fall in the same broad group. Debates<br />

between anarchists have centred on two particular issues: justification<br />

and explanation. Though the arguments are complex, it is possible<br />

to delineate some of the main lines of debate through the discussions<br />

of the Black Bloc.<br />

Anarchist responses to property damage perpetrated by the Black<br />

Bloc are both moral and pragmatic. Looking first at the critical case,<br />

the moral argument is that violence attracts a certain kind of<br />

authoritarian personality. Some writers simply describe members of<br />

the Black Bloc as hooligans and delinquents: ‘anarkids’ not anarchists.<br />

Their desire to commit violence is an indication of their urge to<br />

dominate and oppress. A variant on this theme is that even sincere<br />

militants are driven to authoritarianism through violence. Echoing<br />

discussions of Makhnovism and guerrillaism, some critics of the<br />

Black Bloc argue that property destruction encourages spikies to<br />

think in terms of militarization. One militant complains about a<br />

proposal to elect certain individuals and affinity groups to ‘tactical<br />

facilitation units’ from within the Black Bloc and to give these units<br />

‘command’ positions.<br />

The pragmatic case has three parts. First, critics argue that<br />

property damage is largely pointless and that whilst ‘there’s<br />

something to be said for blowing off steam’, those who engage in<br />

property destruction are more interested in dressing up ‘in gas<br />

masks and bandanas’ than they are in weighing up its usefulness as a

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