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strategies for change 155<br />

extend the influence of their ideas. They have been encouraged in<br />

this belief by the apparent ‘unconscious’ anarchism of the movement:<br />

both the appeal that decentralist and anti-hierarchical principles<br />

exercise across the movement as a whole, notwithstanding its<br />

plurality, and the unity of action demonstrated by activists. As<br />

Naomi Klein argues, there is a general consensus within the antiglobalization<br />

movement that ‘building community based decisionmaking<br />

power – whether through unions, neighbourhoods, farms,<br />

villages, anarchist collectives or aboriginal self-government – is<br />

essential to countering the might of multinational corporations’. 67<br />

Whilst new social movements, non-governmental organizations and<br />

political parties channel these ideas to state agencies, anarchist<br />

anti-globalizers contend that the mobilization of popular opinion<br />

against neo-liberal corporate economics is the movement’s greatest<br />

strength. For them, the anti-globalization movement has opened up<br />

a new sphere of democratic participation and, through this participation,<br />

it has drawn ordinary citizens across the globe into anarchistic<br />

action. The promise of the anti-globalization movement is that it<br />

avoids the ‘staging’ and ‘workerism’ of syndicalist strike actions and<br />

extends beyond the sprayings, brickings, glueings and bombings<br />

undertaken by disparate ‘guerrilla’ groups. The challenge of the<br />

anti-globalization movement is to discover how to translate intuitive<br />

anarchistic practice into anarchist action.<br />

Peace activists in the 1960s confronted a similar problem. Then,<br />

advocates of non-violent civil disobedience argued that the protest<br />

movement had a revolutionary potential, but that protestors needed<br />

to be drawn into a wider campaign of direct action. Anarchists<br />

disagreed about how they should release this potential. Some argued<br />

for programmes of practical anarchy, others for more aggressive<br />

strategies, shaped by affinity groups. Alan Lovell’s hope was that<br />

protest would bring about gradual social change: ‘you gain power<br />

over this institution, you change that one, you put a bit of pressure<br />

here’. In time, he argued, ‘there is a change, so that people have much<br />

more control over their lives, control which they have actually taken<br />

themselves’. 68 Similarly, in 1964 Robert Swann argued that the peace<br />

movement was ‘equipped by the way of organisation, motivation,<br />

and understanding’ to accomplish lasting anarchist change and that<br />

they ‘should include in their agenda … a constructive programme<br />

for revitalization of the cities’. 69 On the other side of the argument,<br />

Vernon Richards argued that the peace movement had succeeded in<br />

convincing ‘many thousands of people … to participate in “illegal”

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