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strategies for change 131<br />

spectrum of anarchist opinion, from social anarchists involved in<br />

community networking schemes to class struggle anarchists.<br />

Some anarchists still feel uneasy with this form of organization<br />

and argue that the premises on which it is based are inherently elitist.<br />

One anti-capitalist protester has put the point thus:<br />

For all that activist cells and secret societies have long been part of<br />

the revolutionary tradition, they are deeply problematic for<br />

anarchism. While Leninists and authoritarians of all descriptions<br />

have no problems with decisions being made by an elite minority, a<br />

central tenet of anarchism is that decisions should be made by the<br />

people affected by them. That kind of democratic control is ruled<br />

out if the movement, or the anarchist part of it, goes underground –<br />

we’ll be left with small groups doing what they think is in everyone’s<br />

interests, instead of everyone getting a chance to make their own<br />

decisions. 11<br />

Proponents of revolutionary organization respond that there is a<br />

difference in principle between Bakuninism and Leninism. Stuart<br />

Christie’s defence is based on the Bakuninist idea that anonymity<br />

protects anarchists against a ‘vainglorious’ slide into vanguardism.<br />

The Angry Brigade, he argues, ‘remained anonymous. It made no<br />

bid or claim to leadership’. 12 The London-based Anarchist<br />

Federation (AF) argue by assertion: their aim is to establish<br />

‘semi-secretive (but never elitist) non-permanent “workplace<br />

resistance” groups’ of dedicated revolutionaries – ‘anti-capitalist,<br />

anti-company, anti-union and anti-party political’. 13 Alfredo<br />

Bonanno’s more robust defence is posited on the openness of<br />

affinity groups to non-anarchists, the avoidance of ‘generic’<br />

programmes for change and, above all, the autonomy of groups<br />

from political parties and trade union organizations. The ‘organizational<br />

logic’ of what is called insurrectional anarchism is towards<br />

permanent conflict, not towards the creation of new forms of<br />

administration or control.<br />

Whether or not anarchists should organize agitation groups to<br />

foster mass insurrection remains a moot point. All three major<br />

insurrectionary strategies that anarchists have devised provide<br />

space for such action. These are propaganda by the deed, the<br />

general strike and guerrilla warfare. Even practical anarchism, a<br />

non-insurrectionary strategy, is consistent with affinity group<br />

organization.

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