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anarchist rejections of the state 79<br />

have different sociological theories about the ways in which free<br />

individuals enter into social relationships. Bookchin’s ‘social’ view is<br />

strongly communitarian, Brown’s ‘lifestyle’ conception, libertarian. 73<br />

The communitarian view, supported by Biehl and Bookchin,<br />

is that individuals are legitimately shaped by the moral, social<br />

and cultural mores of their communities. In Bookchin’s view<br />

‘the making of that “whole” we call a rounded, creative, and richly<br />

variegated human being crucially depends upon community<br />

supports’. Individual socialization does not inhibit individuals from<br />

leading autonomous lives. To the contrary, it provides them with the<br />

wherewithal to exercise their freedom. Without community, ‘there<br />

would be no real self to distort – only a fragmented, wriggling, frail,<br />

and pathological thing’. His pithy conclusion is that ‘the making of a<br />

human being … is a collective process’. 74 For libertarian or ‘lifestyle’<br />

critics like Brown, Bookchin’s collective processes threaten to cut<br />

down the individual’s realm of free decision-making and are sources<br />

of potential oppression.<br />

The sociological differences between anarchist communitarians<br />

and libertarians do not necessarily inhibit political agreement. To<br />

give an illustration, there is a long tradition in anarchist thought<br />

which defines individuality in terms of sexuality. The general insight<br />

is that ‘sex undermines Authority’. More precisely, as Alex Comfort<br />

argued, ‘anti-sexualism of authoritarian societies’ springs from ‘the<br />

vague perception that freedom here might lead to a liking for<br />

freedom elsewhere’; and that ‘[p]eople who have eroticised their<br />

experience of themselves … are … inconveniently unwarlike’. 75 This<br />

tradition of anti-authoritarianism has a number of dimensions, but<br />

is strongly associated with feminism. In this context, ‘lifestyle’ and<br />

‘social’ anarchists have been able to develop a common politics. For<br />

example, Emma Goldman’s view (which was founded on the<br />

broadly existentialist idea that woman’s emancipation depended on<br />

‘her inner regeneration’ and her ability ‘to cut loose from the weight<br />

of prejudices, traditions, and customs’) was that anarchy would<br />

liberate women from the subordinate social role associated with<br />

marriage and enable them to find fulfilment in heterosexual, family<br />

relationships. From a starting point that is closer to ‘social’<br />

anarchism, the Anarcha-feminist International arrives at a similar<br />

conclusion. Liberation requires that the ‘traditional patriarchal<br />

nuclear family should be replaced by free associations between men<br />

and women based on equal right to decide for both parts and with<br />

respect for the individual person’s autonomy and integrity’. 76

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