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anarchist rejections of the state 79<br />
have different sociological theories about the ways in which free<br />
individuals enter into social relationships. Bookchin’s ‘social’ view is<br />
strongly communitarian, Brown’s ‘lifestyle’ conception, libertarian. 73<br />
The communitarian view, supported by Biehl and Bookchin,<br />
is that individuals are legitimately shaped by the moral, social<br />
and cultural mores of their communities. In Bookchin’s view<br />
‘the making of that “whole” we call a rounded, creative, and richly<br />
variegated human being crucially depends upon community<br />
supports’. Individual socialization does not inhibit individuals from<br />
leading autonomous lives. To the contrary, it provides them with the<br />
wherewithal to exercise their freedom. Without community, ‘there<br />
would be no real self to distort – only a fragmented, wriggling, frail,<br />
and pathological thing’. His pithy conclusion is that ‘the making of a<br />
human being … is a collective process’. 74 For libertarian or ‘lifestyle’<br />
critics like Brown, Bookchin’s collective processes threaten to cut<br />
down the individual’s realm of free decision-making and are sources<br />
of potential oppression.<br />
The sociological differences between anarchist communitarians<br />
and libertarians do not necessarily inhibit political agreement. To<br />
give an illustration, there is a long tradition in anarchist thought<br />
which defines individuality in terms of sexuality. The general insight<br />
is that ‘sex undermines Authority’. More precisely, as Alex Comfort<br />
argued, ‘anti-sexualism of authoritarian societies’ springs from ‘the<br />
vague perception that freedom here might lead to a liking for<br />
freedom elsewhere’; and that ‘[p]eople who have eroticised their<br />
experience of themselves … are … inconveniently unwarlike’. 75 This<br />
tradition of anti-authoritarianism has a number of dimensions, but<br />
is strongly associated with feminism. In this context, ‘lifestyle’ and<br />
‘social’ anarchists have been able to develop a common politics. For<br />
example, Emma Goldman’s view (which was founded on the<br />
broadly existentialist idea that woman’s emancipation depended on<br />
‘her inner regeneration’ and her ability ‘to cut loose from the weight<br />
of prejudices, traditions, and customs’) was that anarchy would<br />
liberate women from the subordinate social role associated with<br />
marriage and enable them to find fulfilment in heterosexual, family<br />
relationships. From a starting point that is closer to ‘social’<br />
anarchism, the Anarcha-feminist International arrives at a similar<br />
conclusion. Liberation requires that the ‘traditional patriarchal<br />
nuclear family should be replaced by free associations between men<br />
and women based on equal right to decide for both parts and with<br />
respect for the individual person’s autonomy and integrity’. 76