144 LÁSZLÓ K. GÉFINalso typify obtuseness and compacency regarding the discrepancies withinreligion and conceivably include the hypocrite lecteur, as if to warn: de tefabula narratur.) The specific examples, taken mainly from the 16th century(age of reformation, counter-reformation, religious wars, conversions andreconversions) serve to illustrate the general "history lesson" announced by the"teacher" suddenly coming to center stage. It is the voice of the satiristreducing complex issues to a single judgment; the tone is properly stern andapodictic, the diatribes full of scorn and (ultimately) righteous indignation.The Anabaptists are singled out because they were the first victims of bothCatholic and Protestant persecution (in Zurich, with Zwingli's consent, theywere put to death by drowning in 1525), 4 yet only seven years later, aftercapturing the city of Münster and establishing a brief "heaven on earth," theyin turn butchered their enemies. (Vitéz's comment in the Kyrie on this viciouscircle is apposite: "ülni nem tud a püfölt ember / (de ölni!)" [12] [the floggedman can't sit still / but can he kill!]). Similarly, the Spanish physicianturned-reformerServetus (author of the Restitution of Christianity, a book thatdrove Calvin to near apoplexy) was burned at the stake in Geneva after Calvinhad denounced him to the secular authorities as a heretic. Servetus had gonebeyond most reformers by denying the holy trinity, calling it a "three-headedCerberus" 5 which Vitéz echoes in the Credo by citing a certain Canon F. who"in a state of inebriation" had called the Holy Ghost "trousers with three legs"[32]. Servetus reappears shortly thereafter when Vitéz comments on one of theCredo's murkier passages about the holy spirit "qui expatre filioque procedit"[32] which was singled out by Servetus as having no scriptural foundation(similarly to Erasmus's proof that the Comma Johanneum had been injectedinto the First Epistle of John after Nicea). 6Vitéz's intertextual ironies operate by juxtaposing and overlapping historicaldata, leaving them in unresolved tension; it is their content, the hairsplittingdogmatism coupled with unspeakable cruelties that arouses thesatirist's anger, which lies at the core of the diatribes (lines 9-13 and 14-17).In accounting for the horrors of intolerance and fanaticism, Vitéz is nosentimentalist â la Rousseau; he appears closer to Swift's Christian conservatismaccording to which the human being is not a sovereign animal rationale,but an animal rationis capax, i.e., an animal only capable of reason. Humannature is corrupt and so is reason; it can only fulfill its capacity by relying ondivine guidance. The exercise of reason alone is tantamount to pride, the objectof Swift's most vicious rebuke (cf. end of Book IV of Gulliver's Travels).Inferring from the allusions in the diatribes, Vitéz would only go so far as toimply that evil is not metaphysical in origin, the result of some mysterioussin of disobedience but the outcome of the contradictions in the human
THE AGON OF IRONY AND SATIRE 145nervous system that are equally inscrutable. (The play on "antinómián"telescopes the three meanings of "contradictory," "saved by faith alone," and"anti-law"). But then why the anger and rage, one may ask, coming from apoet who is also a practising psychologist, if what we are dealing with here canbe attributed to mental illness (the sexual obsessions of an Augustine, or thehangups of "that mad dog," "the epileptic from Tarsus," as Vitéz calls St. Paul[13])? Because, for one, behavior is not only predetermined by genetics andupbringing but, as Vitéz the behaviorist holds, it is also governed by itsconsequences. There is a vast difference between the harmless schizophrenicwho claims to be Jesus and the zealot who claims to have been "sent" by Jesusto preach and proselytize. The former remains on the margins of society,powerless to foist his "inner theatre" on the world, whereas the latter can (andwill) exploit and capitalize on human fear, and inevitably appealing to divineauthority will offer his shoddy wares as "glad tidings" promising certainsalvation or perdition. It is they who fashion God into a Procrustes, theinterdicts and taboos being reflections of their own pathology, an externalizationof their inner chamber of horrors much like the theatre of Grand-Guignol. The primary sense of the Grand-Guignol allusion is to evoke a sceneof primitive, hence effective, cruelty, but it also implies artificiality, vulgarity;"popular art" as pandering to the basest instincts.The second part of the diatribe (lines 14-17), rhetorically a parallelism ofthe first part, extends the initial actions of the fanatical founders of Christianityto the plane where they in actual fact "parallel" and interwine with thetemporal powers. One of the reasons for the success and survhal of theChristian church has been a willingness to divest itself of its initial anti-socialand apocalyptic tendencies, and after achieving the status of state religion, toact as ideological mainstay and instrument of legitimation for all subsequentsecular powers, becoming in the process itself a secular power. In spite of piouslip-service to some of Jesus's teachings, the church never offered a socioeconomicmodel that would have endangered the hegemony of either feudalismor capitalism; in fact, it repeatedly performed the state's dirty work byexterminating potential and real enemies threatening the status quo. In the"Sanctus" Vitéz cites Simon de Montfort and his crusade against the Albigensians,whose puritan beliefs and life style were an early form of Protestantism;he could also have cited Luther's cynical betrayal in 1525 of the Germanpeasants as an example of expediency and opportunism. (In effect, Lutherblessed the weapons of the nobles who then crushed the peasants, as had theHungarian lords the revolt of Dózsa a decade earlier.)To Vitéz's catalogue of the modern weaponry blessed by servants of theLord comes the sudden juxtaposition of "In hoc signo vinces." The Emperor
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