74 SAMUEL J. WILSONfrom occurring, and Lee surrendered to him at Appomattox. However, evenif this junction had taken place, the South's defeat was just a matter of time.The same scenario was in store for Görgey. His chances for a military solutionwere at best slim to none. Hope, after his failure to defeat Haynau, lay in theconsolidation of all Hungarian troops in the south to defeat the Austrians,prolonging the war, and, in addition, in the chance that some sort of wedgecould be driven between the Russians and Austrians that would facilitate eithera negotiated settlement favorable for Hungary or intervention by the westerndemocracies. Görgey was looking for the best possible deal. Victory was aquixotic illusion. It was something Kossuth still believed possible. Accordingto Ian Roberts, "Unlike Kossuth who was first and foremost a politician whofound himself having to deal with military affairs by virtue of the office heheld, Görgey was a professional soldier of a distinctly practical nature." 30Unfortunately for Görgey and Hungary, his Appomattox lay ahead at Világos.Görgey's reputation was seriously tarnished by his surrender. Accusationsabound concerning his alleged treachery, but Görgey did not go south for thepurpose of surrendering his forces. Once at Arad, where he found no troops,he proceeded to send the First Corps of General József Nagy Sándor toTemesvár in order to reinforce Dembinski, who was to be at Arad but hadchanged his plans. 37 This is not the behavior of one who is determined tosurrender; on the contrary, it shows Görgey's intent to continue the struggle.He was still determined to work out the best deal for Hungary, and his armywas still his best bargaining chip. Even in southern Hungary his last ditchdefense was an offensive against Austria. 38 It was Dembinski's defeat on 9August that ended the last probability of a successful offensive against Austria.According to Görgey,The further continuance of our active resistance to the armies of the Allies could nowat most promote personal, no longer national interest... [the country] might at least befreed from the horrible misery of war. 39After his surrender to the Russians, Görgey's reputation might still havebeen saved had he been included as one of those punished at Arad. Görgeyseems to have even expected such punishment. The Tsar, however, intervenedwith Vienna to spare Görgey's life. After all the Tsar had done for FrancisJoseph, it would have been a grave insult to deny Nicholas' request. Both theTsar and Paskevich, who gave Görgey money for his expenses because even asa prisoner, he had to pay for his own travel, believed that the Hungariansshould be granted leniency. The Tsar sent the Tsarevich Alexander II toFrancis Joseph to inform the young monarch that Nicholas favored punishing
GÖRGEY, LEE, AND PERCEPTIONS 75only the ringleaders and pardoning those who had been led astray. The Tsaradvocated a policy of clemency and firmness. 40 Later, a Council of Ministers,chaired by Francis Joseph, decided Görgey's fate, but the Tsar's other requestswent unheeded and he was outraged by the executions at Arad. He believedthat Lajos Batthyány, the former Prime Minister, deserved his fate, but not thegenerals who had surrendered to the Russians. 41 Such action may explain thecomments of "one contemporary Slovak observer who wrote at the end of thecampaign, the Russians returned to their own country blessed by the Slovaks,respected by the Hungarians and filled with hatred for the Germans". 42Görgey's military successes, like Clausewitz's maxims in this text, 43 areburied, abandoned, and forgotten in a sea of conjecture. Klapka, a harsh criticof Görgey's actions, wrote that he should have been a Cromwell, 44 aninteresting comment by someone who attacked Görgey's character and accusedhim of conspiracy to make himself dictator. In Kalpka's statement,however, rests the problem of Görgey's reclamation: preconceived ideas ofwho Görgey should have been and what he should have done. It is Görgey'smisfortune to have followed the dictates of his own conscience. Such is thelonely life of the individual on top who offers no excuses but acceptsaccountability for his actions. Victory has many parents but defeat has onlyone child. Görgey was given the incumbency of that child. It was a responsibilityhe accepted in the Spartan manner of a soldier, as soldiers have alwaysdone. Lee was no different. Duty called and was answered. It was anaccountability that was buried with Görgey along with his remains in thenational cemetery, where Judit and I inadvertently discovered them. It was aresponsibility that Kossuth refused to accept. Perhaps for this courageous actalone, Görgey deserves at least a respectable monument over his grave, but tosome that might only unearth and renew an old debate that is better leftundisturbed.<strong>No</strong>tes<strong>1.</strong> István Deák, The Lawful Revolution, Louis Kossuth and the Hungarians, 1848-1849 (NewYork, 1979) 183.2. Arden Bucholz, "Hans Delbrück and Modern Military History," The Historian: 3 (Spring1993) 517.3. Deák, The Lawful Revolution, 183.4. Priscilla Robertson, Revolutions of 1848: A Social History (Princeton, Jew Jersey, 1971), 288.5. Niccoló Machiavelli, The Art of War (Albany, New York, 1940), 233.6. Fair, Charles, From the Jaws of Victory (New York, 1971), 11-12.7. Martin Blumenson and James L. Stokesbury, Masters of the Art of Command (Boston, 1975), x.
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CONTRIBUTORSMiklós BÁNFFYLászló