• Contain a matter that is published in breach ofconfidence• Incite or encourage anyone to send a messageto a person with the intention of causing thatperson harm• Incite or encourage another person to commitsuicide• Denigrate a person by reason of his or her colour,race, ethnic or national origins, religion,ethical belief, gender, sexual orientation or disability.Remedies will include an order that internet contentbe taken down (the order may be against a perpetratoror an internet service provider “or any otherinternet intermediary”); that the perpetrator stopcertain conduct; that a correction be published;that a right of reply be given; that an apology bepublished; or that the identity of an anonymouscommunication be released. A new criminal communicationoffence is to be created that entails“using a communication device to cause harm”. 4The new offence will be punishable by up to threemonths imprisonment or a fine of USD 2,000.The stated purpose of the Objectionable Publicationsand Indecency Legislation Bill is to increasepenalties for producing, trading or possessing childpornography. The bill purports to achieve this byincreasing the penalties for distributing, importingor possessing “objectionable publications”. Apresumption of imprisonment will be imposed forrepeat offenders and a new offence created of exposinga person under 16 to indecent material.“Objectionable publication” is comprehensivelydefined in the Films, Videos, and Publications ClassificationAct 1993. It includes a number of criteriaand a general consideration of material which “describes,depicts, expresses, or otherwise deals withmatters such as sex, horror, crime, cruelty, or violencein such a manner that the availability of thepublication is likely to be injurious to the publicgood.” The new bill has raised concerns becausewhile it purports to relate only to child pornography,by establishing a scope that incorporates objectionablepublications per se, in fact it will capturemore than this, including, for example, lawful adultmaterial.Taken together, these bills have the potentialto curtail, or hinder, the exchange of informationonline and raise at least three significant issuesfor feminists and for women’s rights and freedoms4 Ibid., para 76, p. 11.in the digital environment. The first is the transferof responsibility for determination of whether ornot a communication is objectionable, offensive,indecent or obscene, or causes harm, from the onlinespace to a new offline state agency. The newagency’s mandate will allow for state censorshipof online communications. Increasing state censorshipis always a concern, especially for women andsexual rights advocates.For example, women, young people and lesbian,gay, bisexual, transgender/transsexual andintersex (LGBTI) identities and their bodies havebeen, and continue to be, the site of moral andpolitical battles about decency and indecency, objectionand repulsion – bodies are policed, sexualmorality is subjective and highly contested. Thereis a risk that increased censorship will decrease ouronline presence through the chilling effect of thepossibility of complaints (particularly if maliciousor mischievous). In addition, the state may further“police” our gender and sexualities by censoringother ways of being that are normatively consideredobjectionable.In addition, missing from the discussion onthe bills is any analysis or concern about how thebills’ contents or processes acknowledge or complywith international standards and norms relating tohuman rights and internet freedoms. For example,the United Nations Human Rights Council has confirmed,through a resolution signed by 85 countries,that the same human rights standards and normsapply online and offline. 5 But the New Zealand governmentdid not sign the Human Rights Councilresolution and has not referred to it in the developmentof the new bills. In addition, while the NewZealand government has been active in reportingto the United Nations Committee for the Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination against Women(CEDAW) and to the Commission on the Status ofWomen on progress in implementing the BeijingPlatform for Action, there has been no direct focuson women’s rights and the internet. The absence ofany such analysis is deeply concerning when one ofthe rationales given by the government for the bill isthat it will better protect women.Advancing women’s rights requires a transformationof social relations in the online and offline5 Human Rights Council (2012) The promotion, protection andenjoyment of human rights on the Internet, A/HRC/20/L.13, 20thSession. The Resolution provides that the Council, inter alia:“Affirms that the same rights that people have offline must alsobe protected online, in particular freedom of expression, which isapplicable regardless of frontiers and through any media of one’schoice, in accordance with articles 19 of the Universal Declarationof Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil andPolitical Rights.”180 / Global Information Society Watch
world. The gender inequalities played out in anonline environment mirror the inequalities in thestreet – online violence plays on the same sex andgender-based power relations. But new complexitiesalso arise, so that it is not a simple transfer ofpower relations and forms of rights violations.A further risk is that the new agency will havelittle oversight and knowledge of the emancipatorypotential of the digital environment and the empowermentof women. The associated risk is that,through a narrative of “protection” of women fromharm, online discussion which is deemed harmfulbut which would otherwise have led to valuableoutcomes for women will be removed from thedigital space. One example is the use of the digitalenvironment for coalescing discussion aroundabortion rights and sexual and reproductive healthand rights. Some state actors would define discussionof abortion as objectionable or obscene or mayeven consider it appropriate to intervene to protectthe foetus. This would be a particular concern giventhe age limits in the bill and could affect youngwomen’s access to sexual health information. Anotherexample is whether politically and sociallycontentious reproductive issues will be reframedas obscene and complainants seek to have theseremoved from the digital sphere. This would alsohave significant impact on activism and could affectaccess to vital information about health services forwomen.A second issue relates to the legal test in thenew bills for material deemed grossly offensiveto a “reasonable person”. The legal standard of a“reasonable person” has been highly contestedin feminist legal critique, which analysed this as agendered male standard, which has defined reasonablenessthrough the looking glass of masculinity.Associated with masculinity are “protection” narrativesthat extend to the protection of womenfrom harm by attempting to reduce their exposureto objectionable or obscene material. Applied inthe online context, the subjective and politicisedtests for objectionable, obscene or offensive materialcould exclude women from viewing sexuallyexplicit material which may actually be focused onincreasing their power, pleasure and agency insexual relations. Women have the right to claim andmaintain the online space as a place where they canactively engage in challenging and changing normativeassumptions about gender, sex and sexuality.The bills’ application is unclear and therefore posesrisks for advocates.A third and related issue is how women makingcomplaints of online harassment will be treatedby offline agencies, including the District Court, inthese cases. There is little reason to believe that theapproach of the courts (still largely informed by normativegender ideals of appropriate masculine andfeminine offline behaviour) would provide an appropriateprocess or response for complaints fromwomen about online conduct.The new agency will need to be careful that itsprocesses are not similar to court processes whichare often harrowing and traumatic for victims. Aquick review of comments online, for exampleon blogs, suggests that women are not engagedin discussion on the bills. If women are excludedfrom the public conversations about the content ofthe bills, it is very unlikely that their online interestswill be represented in ways which give themagency and which are empowering and enabling oftheir rights.Despite these issues, a number of the proposalsmay be useful for women who are victims ofviolence online. For example, the proposal to allowcomplaints about disclosure of personal facts orinformation may enable action to be taken againstonline violence which is not currently adequatelyprovided for (such as sharing of intimate photoswithout consent or disclosure of information designedto humiliate). Many of those in support ofthe proposal point to its use to prevent or resistcyber bullying (a major concern for many New Zealanders),to help protect children and young people,to ensure that abusive recording and distributing ofintimate filming (such as on mobile phones) can beproperly addressed, and to protect the vulnerablefrom incitement to suicide.Conclusion and action stepsThe digital sphere provides a critical site for transformingrelations, but there is a danger that, in thename of protecting women from harm, “keepingthem safe” from objectionable or obscene materialwill simultaneously reduce the transformativecapacity of the digital sphere and reduce womento digital victimhood. Rather than a space fordemocratic dialogue, for challenging inappropriatebehaviour and developing in situ solutions andresponses to online violence, the bills empower astate agency to do this on an individual’s behalf.This approach takes away the opportunity of usingthe digital sphere as a site of social transformation.Exclusion from the digital sphere, exclusion from atransformative space, can occur through a variety ofmechanisms, including a lack of considered, robustfeminist and gender analysis of policy and legislativeinitiatives associated with increased statecensorship. We cannot let this happen.181 / Global Information Society Watch
- Page 5 and 6:
Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . .
- Page 7:
IntroductionJoanne SandlerGender at
- Page 10 and 11:
excluded. 9 And while recent data n
- Page 12 and 13:
ox 1In February 2009, intimate pict
- Page 14 and 15:
egime, increasing surveillance of t
- Page 16 and 17:
Accessing infrastructureMariama Dee
- Page 18 and 19:
figure 2.Share of individuals with
- Page 20 and 21:
figure 4.Share of where internet wa
- Page 22 and 23:
figure 7.Main reasons why individua
- Page 24 and 25:
A digital postcard urging people to
- Page 26 and 27:
and set the scene for a new point o
- Page 28 and 29:
activity, exhorting citizens to exe
- Page 30 and 31:
to citizens. 30 The situated experi
- Page 32 and 33:
Sexuality and the internetBruno Zil
- Page 34 and 35:
ally exclusive. Commercial sex is a
- Page 36 and 37:
Sometimes, strangers they meet onli
- Page 38 and 39:
Violence against women onlineJan Mo
- Page 40 and 41:
elated forms of VAW have become par
- Page 42 and 43:
Men often feel that they own their
- Page 45 and 46:
ConclusionAs Daroczi, Shevchenko, R
- Page 47 and 48:
Online disobedienceNadine MoawadAss
- Page 49 and 50:
mapping platform for sexual harassm
- Page 51 and 52:
1800 1850 1900Maria Gaetana Agnesi(
- Page 53 and 54:
TodaySusan KareCreated the icons an
- Page 55 and 56:
Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
- Page 57 and 58:
academic groundwork is needed, both
- Page 59 and 60:
empowered and disempowered by them.
- Page 61 and 62:
Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
- Page 63 and 64:
Country reports
- Page 65 and 66:
P is for PIN: “The website works
- Page 67 and 68:
Crime of Trafficking, 9 which recei
- Page 69 and 70:
Role of ICTs in the trafficking of
- Page 71 and 72:
(1) If any person deliberately publ
- Page 73 and 74:
BOLIVIAPreventing digital violence
- Page 75 and 76:
Due to the popularity and widesprea
- Page 77 and 78:
a position of privilege.” 7 It be
- Page 79 and 80:
the councils that the spaces alone
- Page 81 and 82:
gradually become the primary field
- Page 83 and 84:
Sexuality in Communist Bulgaria”,
- Page 85 and 86:
• Of the five MPCTs selected, two
- Page 87 and 88:
• MPCT managers should regularly
- Page 89 and 90:
protest movement that has gained si
- Page 91 and 92:
to arise as to the evolving nature
- Page 93 and 94:
CHINAMicroblogs: An alternative, if
- Page 95 and 96:
domestic violence, and the exacting
- Page 97 and 98:
colombiaWomen’s rights, gender an
- Page 99 and 100:
• Women activists and human right
- Page 101 and 102:
CONGO, democratic republic ofOnline
- Page 103 and 104:
CONGO, REPUBLIC OFWomen’s rights
- Page 105 and 106:
The different uses of ICTs for wome
- Page 107 and 108:
cook islandsBalancing leadership: A
- Page 109 and 110:
and the Netherlands (38.7%). Of the
- Page 111 and 112:
costa ricaThe ICT sector requires t
- Page 113 and 114:
côte d’ivoireYasmina Ouégnin: A
- Page 115 and 116:
family expenses according to their
- Page 117 and 118:
was any kind of consultation before
- Page 119 and 120:
violence and violence against women
- Page 121 and 122:
Write Me In is a series of digital
- Page 123 and 124:
Online protests over “virginity t
- Page 125 and 126:
ethiopiaEmpowering women through IC
- Page 127 and 128:
the exchange take as much as 80% of
- Page 129 and 130: indiaThe internet as a pathway for
- Page 131 and 132: Using ICTs in support of women’s
- Page 133 and 134: • Develop gender-sensitive techni
- Page 135 and 136: The skill of using modern technolog
- Page 137 and 138: However, non-official surveys indic
- Page 139 and 140: iraqICTs and the fight against fema
- Page 141 and 142: multimedia presentations in their v
- Page 143 and 144: Both these groups emerged from the
- Page 145 and 146: Action stepsPaestum 2013Just before
- Page 147 and 148: in 2009. The Dunn et al. study foun
- Page 149 and 150: end of the ICT spectrum, reflecting
- Page 151 and 152: japanDealing with the backlash: Pro
- Page 153 and 154: Akiko and teacher Nomaki Masako (wh
- Page 155 and 156: Access to ICTs helps in the fulfilm
- Page 157 and 158: ut the case was ultimately dismisse
- Page 159 and 160: kenyaWomen and cyber crime in Kenya
- Page 161 and 162: huge online following. Known as an
- Page 163 and 164: Action steps• Lobby to have onlin
- Page 165 and 166: For example, although the abovement
- Page 167 and 168: In addition to the cases mentioned
- Page 169 and 170: Two years later, when facing a simi
- Page 171 and 172: NEPALPerspectives of Nepali women i
- Page 173 and 174: Table 2.Women in technical position
- Page 175 and 176: NetherlandsInternet, information an
- Page 177 and 178: procure a safe medical abortion. Th
- Page 179: NEW ZEALANDProposed new laws and th
- Page 183 and 184: NIGERIAThe use of ICTs to express p
- Page 185 and 186: the issue in the public eye until p
- Page 187 and 188: PAKISTANShaping ICTs in Pakistan us
- Page 189 and 190: with Pakistan’s internet ranking
- Page 191 and 192: PERUWomen against violence: Using t
- Page 193: een delays in the judicial response
- Page 197 and 198: infrastructure, clear processes and
- Page 199 and 200: employment. While science courses a
- Page 201 and 202: One of the protesting organisations
- Page 203 and 204: county libraries have been trained
- Page 205 and 206: trained to be accustomed to gatheri
- Page 207 and 208: ConclusionThe government of Rwanda
- Page 209 and 210: a threat to the South African publi
- Page 211 and 212: spainShaping the internet: Women’
- Page 213 and 214: and up to 23% to 25% in industrial
- Page 215 and 216: Economic activityAt the end of the
- Page 217 and 218: Action stepsSwitzerland has ratifie
- Page 219 and 220: • Conducting social campaigns and
- Page 221 and 222: gender equality in the new constitu
- Page 223 and 224: inheritance rights. However, in man
- Page 225 and 226: thailandThai cyber sexuality: Liber
- Page 227 and 228: Table 1.Selected examples of online
- Page 229 and 230: ugandaUsing ICTs to create awarenes
- Page 231 and 232:
united statesThe flame war on women
- Page 233 and 234:
Council that addresses online haras
- Page 235 and 236:
Because of this the DWU became cons
- Page 237 and 238:
venezuelaICT and gender violence in
- Page 239 and 240:
company PDVSA 41 (2), the National
- Page 241:
This image from Pakistan captures t