democratic governance are supposed to take place.Our hypothesis is that the empowerment of theirvoices makes it easier to establish the institutionallinkages necessary to guarantee their rights andentitlements, grounded “in a conception of rightswhich, in a development context, strengthens thestatus of citizens from that of beneficiaries of developmentto its rightful and legitimate claimants.” 12Spaces for participationAmong the wider community of women who respondedto the project’s initial survey, 13 it is evidentthat a huge gap exists between their recognitionof their rights (including the right to assembly andparticipation) and the actualisation of practicesfor the affirmation and defence of those rights. Althoughthe huge majority think that women shouldparticipate in community decision-making processes(98.2% of respondents affirmed this), theirpractice of participation is still very much linked tosupporting political parties and candidates duringelection campaigns. This participation is mostlyinformed by husbands or family members (40.0%)or depends on the information given by neighboursand friends (46.7%). In this sense, the role of theYalodês is significant in terms of the possibility ofaltering structures of power so that informationflows towards and from the periphery, in buildinga “new geography”. In the words of Aminata Diaw,“The transition to democracy is a narrative of theexclusion of women. What is needed is a new geographyto give women space. This new space whichwomen seek is one where there is negotiation betweenthose with power and those without.” 14For this negotiation, an empowered, consistentvoice, able to reaffirm black women’s identityand assure its inclusion in a multiplicity of spaces,is crucial. This means not only occupying existingspaces within the present architecture of powerand governance, but also creating spaces for articulatingnew, more inclusive meanings. The surveyresults show us that this is a most pressing need,as in the communities visited, political spaces exclusivelyfor women are non-existent and/or widelyunknown by the population: 40.8% of the respondentssaid that there are no spaces for the defence of12 Cornwall, A. (2000), cited in Gaventa and Jones (2002) Op. cit.13 This survey was answered by 152 women from four differentsites: one favela in Rio de Janeiro and three communities fromthe periphery of the Baixada Fluminense municipalities. Theparticipation of these women in the survey was facilitated bythe Yalodês, who invited and mobilised women to come to theircentres or, in some situations, took the research team to thewomen’s houses. The survey was conducted in July 2012.14 Cited in Taylor, V. (2000) Marketisation of Governance: CriticalFeminist Perspectives from the South, SADEP/DAWN.women’s rights in their community, and 28.6% saidthat they do not know of any. When it comes to theaffirmation and defence of women’s rights, the mostfrequently mentioned spaces are local residents’associations (44.7%) and religious groups (24.5%)– which are the spaces where most of the Yalodêscarry out their work.The approach taken by Cornwall 15 in her examinationof the kinds of “spaces” in which participationmay occur focuses on the need to understand thesespaces in the contexts in which they are created. Inparticular, as Gaventa notes:[Cornwall] argues for distinguishing, amongstother factors, between “invited spaces” createdfrom above through donor or governmental intervention,and spaces which are chosen, takenand demanded through collective action frombelow. Whatever their origins, however, no newspaces for participation are neutral, but areshaped by the power relations which both permeateand surround them. While attention hasbeen paid to what spaces and mechanisms existfor public participation, more attention, sheargues, must be paid to who is creating thesespaces and why, who fills them, and how the newspaces carry within them “tracks and traces” ofprevious social relationships, resources andknowledge. What prevents long-establishedpatterns of power from being reproduced? Whospeaks, for whom, and who is heard? 16The reflection on spaces of political participationmust be contextualised within the politicaltraditions of each place – by which the concept of“participation” has multiple nuances and meanings.In Brazil, new social policy models were initiatedwith the promulgation of the 1988 constitution,which has created spaces for direct civil societystateinteraction in the form of local councils andpublic hearings. “Local councils serve as spaces fordeliberation and debate in the design and monitoringof social services. In the area of health alone,there are more than 5,000 health councils, almostone for each of 5,507 municipalities, providing alarge-scale case study of attempts to institutionalisedirect forms of citizen participation.” 17 It is clearfor many authors researching the functioning of15 Cornwall, A., Gideon, J. and Wilson, K. (2008) Introduction:Reclaiming Feminism: Gender and Neoliberalism, IDS Bulletin, 39,p. 1-9.16 Gaventa, J. (2006) Finding the Spaces for Change: A PowerAnalysis, IDS Bulletin, 37, p. 23-33.17 Coelho, V. S. P., de Andrade, I. A. L. and Montoya, M. C. (2002)Deliberative fora and the democratisation of social policies inBrazil, IDS Bulletin, 33, p. 1-16.78 / Global Information Society Watch
the councils that the spaces alone do not guaranteevoice. “Despite their Constitutional guarantee,there is still the question of whether the most marginalisedgroups are able to articulate their voice inthese arenas, and a question of the alliances andinstitutional arrangements which help them to doso.” 18 In these “invited spaces” for participation,not everyone feels invited – or at least not everyonesees meaning in going to meetings where theyobserve in silence the decisions being made. AsCoelho, Andrade and Montoya propose, for the improvementof citizens’ participation (both womenand men) in the councils, “broader approaches areneeded, which recognise the diversity and identitiesof local actors and the ways in which they canbe pre-empted from claiming rights by forces of socialand economic exclusion.” 19 It is also importantto recognise that in Brazil, politics is a territory ofthe elites. Until 1930, political bosses and landownersimposed their voting choices on workers. Today,the practice of vote buying is widespread and common.Votes and voices have been a bargaining chipsince the inception of our republic.Action stepsThis analysis leads us to the reflection on how crucialit is to invest in initiatives that are built upon dynamicsinspired by what Freire proposed as a “pedagogyof the oppressed”, which consists of two stages:(1) The oppressed unveil the world of oppressionand through the praxis commit themselves to itstransformation, and (2) in the second stage, inwhich the reality of oppression has already beentransformed, this pedagogy ceases to belong tothe oppressed and becomes a pedagogy of allpeople in the process of permanent liberation.” 20The Yalodês have made it clear to our team how eagerthey are for information, skills and strategic thinking inorder to understand and reclaim the political language,to communicate better with local governance institutions,and to raise their voices to gain greater visibilityand legitimacy, especially among the local governanceplayers. Many of the project participants are feelingreassured, through the project implementation, of thelegitimate political influence they hold as religiousand spiritual leaders; they are slowly perceiving thepossibility of acting as role models, of harnessing communityknowledge while engaging their communitiesin the externalisation of issues through informationauthorship and alternative representations. ■18 Ibid.19 Ibid.20 Freire, P. (1970) Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Herder and Herder,New York.79 / Global Information Society Watch
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Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . .
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IntroductionJoanne SandlerGender at
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excluded. 9 And while recent data n
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ox 1In February 2009, intimate pict
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egime, increasing surveillance of t
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Accessing infrastructureMariama Dee
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figure 2.Share of individuals with
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figure 4.Share of where internet wa
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figure 7.Main reasons why individua
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A digital postcard urging people to
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and set the scene for a new point o
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- Page 30 and 31: to citizens. 30 The situated experi
- Page 32 and 33: Sexuality and the internetBruno Zil
- Page 34 and 35: ally exclusive. Commercial sex is a
- Page 36 and 37: Sometimes, strangers they meet onli
- Page 38 and 39: Violence against women onlineJan Mo
- Page 40 and 41: elated forms of VAW have become par
- Page 42 and 43: Men often feel that they own their
- Page 45 and 46: ConclusionAs Daroczi, Shevchenko, R
- Page 47 and 48: Online disobedienceNadine MoawadAss
- Page 49 and 50: mapping platform for sexual harassm
- Page 51 and 52: 1800 1850 1900Maria Gaetana Agnesi(
- Page 53 and 54: TodaySusan KareCreated the icons an
- Page 55 and 56: Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
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- Page 61 and 62: Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
- Page 63 and 64: Country reports
- Page 65 and 66: P is for PIN: “The website works
- Page 67 and 68: Crime of Trafficking, 9 which recei
- Page 69 and 70: Role of ICTs in the trafficking of
- Page 71 and 72: (1) If any person deliberately publ
- Page 73 and 74: BOLIVIAPreventing digital violence
- Page 75 and 76: Due to the popularity and widesprea
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- Page 81 and 82: gradually become the primary field
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- Page 85 and 86: • Of the five MPCTs selected, two
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- Page 93 and 94: CHINAMicroblogs: An alternative, if
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- Page 97 and 98: colombiaWomen’s rights, gender an
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- Page 103 and 104: CONGO, REPUBLIC OFWomen’s rights
- Page 105 and 106: The different uses of ICTs for wome
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- Page 109 and 110: and the Netherlands (38.7%). Of the
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- Page 113 and 114: côte d’ivoireYasmina Ouégnin: A
- Page 115 and 116: family expenses according to their
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- Page 121 and 122: Write Me In is a series of digital
- Page 123 and 124: Online protests over “virginity t
- Page 125 and 126: ethiopiaEmpowering women through IC
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indiaThe internet as a pathway for
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Using ICTs in support of women’s
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• Develop gender-sensitive techni
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The skill of using modern technolog
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However, non-official surveys indic
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iraqICTs and the fight against fema
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multimedia presentations in their v
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Both these groups emerged from the
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Action stepsPaestum 2013Just before
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in 2009. The Dunn et al. study foun
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end of the ICT spectrum, reflecting
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japanDealing with the backlash: Pro
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Akiko and teacher Nomaki Masako (wh
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Access to ICTs helps in the fulfilm
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ut the case was ultimately dismisse
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kenyaWomen and cyber crime in Kenya
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huge online following. Known as an
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Action steps• Lobby to have onlin
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For example, although the abovement
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In addition to the cases mentioned
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Two years later, when facing a simi
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NEPALPerspectives of Nepali women i
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Table 2.Women in technical position
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NetherlandsInternet, information an
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procure a safe medical abortion. Th
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NEW ZEALANDProposed new laws and th
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world. The gender inequalities play
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NIGERIAThe use of ICTs to express p
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the issue in the public eye until p
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PAKISTANShaping ICTs in Pakistan us
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with Pakistan’s internet ranking
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PERUWomen against violence: Using t
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een delays in the judicial response
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infrastructure, clear processes and
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employment. While science courses a
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One of the protesting organisations
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county libraries have been trained
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trained to be accustomed to gatheri
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ConclusionThe government of Rwanda
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a threat to the South African publi
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spainShaping the internet: Women’
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and up to 23% to 25% in industrial
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Economic activityAt the end of the
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Action stepsSwitzerland has ratifie
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• Conducting social campaigns and
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gender equality in the new constitu
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inheritance rights. However, in man
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thailandThai cyber sexuality: Liber
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Table 1.Selected examples of online
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ugandaUsing ICTs to create awarenes
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united statesThe flame war on women
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Council that addresses online haras
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Because of this the DWU became cons
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venezuelaICT and gender violence in
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company PDVSA 41 (2), the National
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This image from Pakistan captures t