BRAZILICTs and black women’s empowerment: Unmasking dominationin several layersInstituto NupefGraciela Selaimenwww.nupef.org.brIntroductionIn the Yoruba 1 language, Yalodê is the word usedto refer to women who represent and speak in thename of other women, who emerge as politicalleaders and agents of transformation, who are emblematicin the development of their community, inthe defence of rights, in the maintenance of culturaland religious traditions, and in challenging the statusquo by fighting against the stratified powers ofthe dominant order – male-centred, Euro-centred,based on the capitalist exploitation of peoples andnature. 2 This was the word chosen to give a localname to the Women-gov project 3 in Brazil, so it canbe instantly understood and easily pronounced byits participants and their communities. The Yalodêis a warrior, and anyone can immediately associatethe concept to the group of women who areengaged in this initiative: strong, determined, preparedwomen, ready to raise questions, point outconcerns, propose alternatives, lead processes,and commit to the urgently needed changes in oursocieties.The primary question that the Women-govproject addresses is: How can digital technologiesbe suitably employed to create participatory governancemodels that enable socially and economicallymarginalised women in local contexts to gain centrestage? To this end, the partnering organisationsare working in each place with women’s collectives/organisations at the grassroots level, exploringthe possibilities offered by digital technologies to1 An African language which is an important part of the origins ofBrazilian culture.2 For a deeper analysis of the concept and history of the Yalodê, see:Werneck, J. (2005) De Ialodês e Feministas - Reflexões sobre a açãopolítica das mulheres negras na América Latina e Caribe, NouvellesQuestions Feministes - Revue Internationale Francophone, 24(2).3 Women-gov is a feminist action-research project that aims atenhancing marginalised women’s active citizenship and theirengagement with local governance, across three sites in India,Brazil and South Africa. The partnering organisations are IT forChange in India, Instituto Nupef in Brazil and the New Women’sMovement in South Africa. www.gender-is-citizenship.net/womenand-governancefacilitate women’s political mobilisation, their activeengagement with governance structures, and theircollective articulation and negotiation of interests.In Brazil, Nupef is working with the non-governmentalorganisation Criola 4 in the implementation of theYalodês project. The Yalodês are a group of womenleaders from different communities of Rio de Janeiroand other municipalities in the Baixada Fluminense 5region of Brazil, who have been participating in Criola’sinitiatives for the strengthening of capacitiesand political articulation.At the very first meeting between the Nupefteam and participants in the Yalodês project, it becameclear that a lot of attention should be paid tolanguage when working with this group: we werequestioned/corrected twice during the meeting dueto words that were used. When explaining the objectivesof the project, talking about the strengtheningof women’s political participation and increasingpoor and marginalised women’s influence over thewider decision-making processes which affect theirlives, we were questioned: “Why marginalised?” Abit later, when discussing how the strategic use ofICTs may enhance the informational, associationaland communicative power of women’s collectives,we were (correctly) reminded: “Here, you’re talkingto black women collectives.”Language, besides being deeply linked withidentity, can be a powerful means of exercisingsocial control. It can give people a strong sense ofbelonging or of being excluded. This is brilliantlyput in Jurema Werneck’s 6 article “De Ialodês eFeministas”, where she affirms that “the capacityof giving names to things refers to a situation ofpower. So, it’s about the possibility of ordering theworld according to one’s own, singular basis, be itfrom individual perspectives or from the perspectiveof collectives, of entire populations. It is thus4 Criola is an NGO founded and run by black women. Its missionis “to empower black women, adolescents and girls to stand upagainst racism, sexism and lesbophobia, and to undertake actionsaimed at the improvement of the living conditions of the blackpopulation.”5 en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Baixada_Fluminense6 Jurema Werneck is one of the founders and coordinators of Criola,the NGO which is Nupef’s partner in the Women-gov project inBrazil.76 / Global Information Society Watch
a position of privilege.” 7 It became clear to us fromthe very beginning of this project that language, thepower of words, and the strength of these women’svoices would be one of the pillars of this collectiveconstruction.The Afro-Brazilian identity is fundamental inthis project. The need to differentiate feminismfrom black feminism has emerged from our observationand praxis – and is one of the most importantlearnings for our research team. Black feministmovements have been stressing for years that patriarchyand sexism cannot be dissociated from classoppression, capitalism, colonialism and racism – ifdiversity and inequality are not addressed in feministpolitical action, there is a risk that feminismitself might fall into the trap of repeating the homogenising,reductionist approaches that deepeninvisibilities. It is important not to forget that hegemonicconsensuses are intimately bound to silence,to the disregard of differences, to the masking ofconflicts.It is in this scenario that the concept of the Yalodêemerges.Yalodês, voice and actionAccording to Werneck, “The leadership and responsibilityof women in dealing with transcendentalreligious issues, and cultural and political issues,is a very old reality that precedes the history ofcolonialism in Africa.” Among the several possiblemanifestations of the exercise of women’s politicalleadership is the Ialodê (the Brazilian word for theterm Ìyálóòde in the Yoruba language). Werneckpoints out that the Ialodês have been “confrontingthe notions of centre and periphery” for centuries– through promoting and being part of “initiativesthat have in common the recognition of women’sleadership, women’s presence in public activities,as well as the political role of women.” She explains:Ialodê also refers to the woman who representswomen, some kinds of emblematic women, theone who speaks on behalf of others and participatesin the spaces of power. […] The ialodês, onthe other hand, have been affirming their presenceand relevance in the 21st century throughbodily and oral narratives, transmitted frommouth to ears, to attentive eyes, in the differentspaces where the tradition is inherited and actualised.In the Brazilian case, this is seen in anyblack community, where women, undertaking7 Werneck (2005) Op. cit. The references to Jurema’s work in thisreport are freely translated from Portuguese by Graciela Selaimen.Please note also that Jurema uses the spelling “Ialodê” instead of“Yalodê”, which is why both versions are used in this report.roles of leadership or collective responsibility,develop actions of affirmation of a future forall of the subordinated group. This happensthrough the struggles for improvements in thematerial conditions of life, as well as in the developmentof behaviours and activities that aimto affirm the pertinence and actuality of immateriallife. Thus, not only in the Afro-Brazilianreligious communities, where they have a fundamentalrole in the propagation of axé, 8 butalso outside sacred spaces, the ialodê is actualised,necessary and celebrated. 9In this context we understood that the most pressingneed in terms of empowering and enhancingblack women’s collective participation in local governanceis to strengthen and amplify these women’svoices, especially aiming for greater recognition ofthese leaders as legitimate political actors, improvingthe quality of their impact on local governancestructures and processes. Here, the amplificationof voices must be understood in two ways: first,as the re-signification and affirmation of the blackwomen’s voice and place in the local institutionalecosystem, which we may help to achieve by supportingthem in different practices for discursiveand symbolic production. The affirmation of theirvoices affects the way the Yalodês understand andsituate themselves in democratic processes, helpingto establish more articulate and sustainabledialogues with state and non-state actors involvedin governance processes.Secondly, this amplification can be understoodin a more concrete way: as the amplification of thereach of these voices, by having them heard in awider spectrum of political spaces, through processesthat involve identity and difference, or whatLister refers to as “a politics of recognition andrespect”. 10 As Gaventa and Jones observe, “Citizens’voices derived from identities that are notrecognised, nor indeed respected, are not likely tobe heard.” 11 Among the Yalodês there is consensusabout the need for more symmetry in their relationswith the local powers – even in spaces that wereconceived to be “participatory”, where more deliberativeand inclusionary forms of policy making and8 “Axé means strength, in an existential sense. This means thataxé is the basis of existence, what puts it in movement. Axé mayalso be understood as the power of engendering and realisation.Without axé, existence would not exist.”9 Werneck (2005) Op. cit.10 Lister, R. (2002) A politics of recognition and respect: Involvingpeople with experience of poverty in decision making that affectstheir lives, Social Policy and Society, 1(1), p. 37-46.11 Gaventa, J. and Jones, E. (2002) Concepts of Citizenship: A Review,IDS, Brighton UK.77 / Global Information Society Watch
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Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . .
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IntroductionJoanne SandlerGender at
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excluded. 9 And while recent data n
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ox 1In February 2009, intimate pict
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egime, increasing surveillance of t
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Accessing infrastructureMariama Dee
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figure 2.Share of individuals with
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figure 4.Share of where internet wa
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figure 7.Main reasons why individua
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A digital postcard urging people to
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the exchange take as much as 80% of
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indiaThe internet as a pathway for
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Using ICTs in support of women’s
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• Develop gender-sensitive techni
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The skill of using modern technolog
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However, non-official surveys indic
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iraqICTs and the fight against fema
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multimedia presentations in their v
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Both these groups emerged from the
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Action stepsPaestum 2013Just before
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in 2009. The Dunn et al. study foun
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end of the ICT spectrum, reflecting
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japanDealing with the backlash: Pro
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Akiko and teacher Nomaki Masako (wh
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Access to ICTs helps in the fulfilm
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ut the case was ultimately dismisse
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kenyaWomen and cyber crime in Kenya
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huge online following. Known as an
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Action steps• Lobby to have onlin
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For example, although the abovement
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In addition to the cases mentioned
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Two years later, when facing a simi
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NEPALPerspectives of Nepali women i
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Table 2.Women in technical position
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NetherlandsInternet, information an
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procure a safe medical abortion. Th
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NEW ZEALANDProposed new laws and th
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world. The gender inequalities play
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NIGERIAThe use of ICTs to express p
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the issue in the public eye until p
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PAKISTANShaping ICTs in Pakistan us
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with Pakistan’s internet ranking
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PERUWomen against violence: Using t
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een delays in the judicial response
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infrastructure, clear processes and
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employment. While science courses a
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One of the protesting organisations
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county libraries have been trained
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trained to be accustomed to gatheri
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ConclusionThe government of Rwanda
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a threat to the South African publi
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spainShaping the internet: Women’
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and up to 23% to 25% in industrial
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Economic activityAt the end of the
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Action stepsSwitzerland has ratifie
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• Conducting social campaigns and
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gender equality in the new constitu
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inheritance rights. However, in man
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thailandThai cyber sexuality: Liber
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Table 1.Selected examples of online
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ugandaUsing ICTs to create awarenes
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united statesThe flame war on women
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Council that addresses online haras
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Because of this the DWU became cons
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venezuelaICT and gender violence in
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company PDVSA 41 (2), the National
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This image from Pakistan captures t