BULGARIADivided movements, divided rightsBlueLinkRosa Vroom and Pavel AntonovBlueLink.netIntroductionThousands of people crowded on the streets of Sofia,Varna, and Bulgaria’s other major cities in thefirst months of 2013 demanding change and immediatereforms in government. But unlike previouswaves of protest over the past two decades, thistime it was not about removing one party from powerand replacing it with another. The crowds nowchanted against all political parties together, bothruling and opposition. What had ignited a spark in2012 as an environmentalist protest against unlimitedconstruction in the country’s pristine naturalareas has now expanded into a firestorm of socialand civil society demands against corporate monopolies,overwhelming corruption, privatisation ofthe national railways, and ever tightening austerity.Demands were made by civil society for reformsthat would guarantee adequate public participationin decision making, transparency, access to justice,fairer politics, and improved living standards. Thewave of anti-status-quo protests reached its peakin February, when the centre-right government ofBoyko Borissov (a police general and former securityguard) resigned, the parliament disassembled,and preliminary elections were scheduled for May.The purpose of this article is to examine the wayin which women’s, gender and LGBT rights movementsand activists have been part of these recentdevelopments in Bulgaria, touching on the role ofthe internet in creating virtual communities.Policy and political backgroundIn what appears to mark an important new stage in Bulgaria’spost-socialist developments, civil society hasreacted decisively against democratic and economicdysfunctions 1 that had accumulated over the periodcommonly described as “transition” 2 . A problematic1 Brunwasser, M. (2009) Bulgaria Still Stuck in Trauma of Transition,New York Times, 10 November. www.nytimes.com/2009/11/11/world/europe/11iht-bulgaria.html?pagewanted=all&_r=02 Smith, A. and Pickles, J. (1998) Introduction: Theorising transitionand the political economy of transformation, in The PoliticalEconomy of Post-Communist Transformations, Routledge, London.concept in itself, 3 “transition” implies a unidirectionaldevelopment from something supposedly ultimatelyevil (dictatorial state socialism) to a supposed capitalistparadise of democracy and market economy. Thisconcept has been instrumental in sidelining and marginalisingcritical thought, and preventing alternativesolutions and views of how society should operate,paving the way for a prevailing discourse which prioritiseseconomic development and financial profit overcollective and social interest. 4Although the development of civil society hasbeen largely influenced by this mainstream discourse,“islands” of resistance have taken shapearound issues and problems of collective interest,such as the protection of nature, endemic poverty,quality of health care and education, access to justice,and the rights of minorities. In this contextgender rights have also received attention. Civilsociety structures around these issues have consistedmostly of project-based grant-funded NGOsand policy think tanks. Grassroots activism andparticipation has been relatively rare, concentratedaround specific issues (e.g. threats on protected areas,changes to family laws, etc.) or occasions (e.g.Sofia Pride – the annual LGBT parade), and very feworganisations have enjoyed sustainable membershipacross the past decades.Growing access to the internet, 5 and particularlyFacebook and other social networks, have broughtchange to this picture. The internet and socialnetworks have offered a medium for unlimited communicationand exchange of ideas and thoughts,which has compensated for the decline of independentmass media and deteriorating standardsof journalism and freedom of speech in Bulgaria. 6Arguably the internet and social networks have3 Welsh, H. A. (1994) Political Transition Processes in Central andEastern Europe, Comparative Politics, 26(4), p. 379-394. www.jstor.org/discover/10.2307/422022?uid=3737608&uid=2134&uid=2474118273&uid=2&uid=70&uid=3&uid=2474118263&uid=60&sid=211026348034834 Smith, A. and Rochovská, A. (2007) Domesticating neoliberalism:Everyday lives and the geographies of post-socialisttransformations, Geoforum, 38, p. 1163-1178.5 Internet World Stats (2010) Bulgaria: Internet Usage andPopulation Statistics. www.internetworldstats.com/eu/bg.htm6 Reporters Without Borders (2013) World Press Freedom Index.fr.rsf.org/IMG/pdf/classement_2013_gb-bd.pdf80 / Global Information Society Watch
gradually become the primary field for socialengagement, participation, and intellectual and politicaldebate, with developments in real-life spacesand institutions appearing often as mere reflectionsof what is happening in this virtual “world”. At thesame time, processes, dynamics and tensions inthe outside world have often been aggregated andextended in the social media space. Unpredictableand volatile, net-based activism came in to complementactual real-life social movements, increasinglystanding in as a substitute for them where they hadbeen absent.Defending the rights of minoritiesInfluenced by different stereotypes and prejudices,few Bulgarians are prepared to defend therights of minorities, including LGBT minorities.“Bulgarian democracy is not yet in that stage thatthe majority cares about the minority; the minorityhas to justify the lack of equal rights,” said MonikaPisankaneva, 7 an LGBT rights activist and founderof Bilitis Resource Centre Foundation. In her view,Bulgaria’s government has achieved the minimumstandard, for example, with the Anti-DiscriminationAct, through which it has complied with EU accessionrequirements. But few further steps have beenmade since 2007 when Bulgaria joined the EU.Bulgarian societal attitudes toward homosexual,bisexual or transsexual people can still be categorisedas negative. According to a 2012 report byAmnesty International, 8 unjustified violence againstthese groups persists, with a lack of concern shownby state institutions.There were minor improvements over the pasttwo years, mostly due to increased access to theinternet, which has made it possible for peopleto organise protests on the streets. Through thenew channels of communication, various civil societymovements have arrived at a common ground,and formulated common demands, such as transparencyof institutions and civic oversight of theiroperations. However, interestingly, this cohesionwas not sustained. Referring to the recent protestsin Bulgaria’s major cities, Tatyana Kmetova, 9 executivedirector of the Centre of Women’s Studies andPolicies (CWSP) Foundation explains: “The February2013 protests were organised through socialmedia. When people communicated in forums or7 Monika Pisankaneva, personal interview, 17 April 2013.8 Amnesty International (2012) Changing laws, changing minds:Challenging homophobic and transphobic hate crimes in Bulgaria.www.ilga-europe.org/home/guide_europe/country_by_country/bulgaria/changing_laws_changing_minds_challenging_homophobic_and_transphobic_hate_crimes_in_bulgaria9 Tatyana Kmetova, personal interview, 19 April 2013.social media there was a high level of agreementbetween them. However, when they went onto thestreet, they couldn’t articulate a common message.They immediately divided and started to fight. Theystarted fighting in conventional media against eachother.”The primary discussion within the LGBT communityemerged over the possibility of modifying theconstitution. “If there is going to be a revision of theconstitution, of course the LGBT movement will demandthat it be changed on the topic of marriage,”Pisankaneva explains. However, advocating openlyabout LGBT rights has been difficult. Stana Iliev, 10 aGerman activist in Sofia, confirms that “nobody wasasking for social change in the sense of, we have torespect minorities, be more aware of gender.” Iliev,a Red Cross social worker, has also seen a changeinside Bulgarian society in her five-year stay in thecapital city: “For sure, civil movements increasedtremendously and social media have a big role inthis.” Some of the LGBT activists participate in theprotests, but do not represent their struggle, andeven hide their homosexual identity, Pisankanevaadds.Fear of rejection, aggressiveness, prejudicesand hate are some of the reasons that stopped theLGBT collective from taking part in the last protest inBulgaria. As reported by Pisankaneva: “LGBT peoplesimply don’t know how people will react. It’s acommon prejudice that LGBT people are demandingspecial rights. Maybe if LGBT people go with theirown demands as part of a national protest, peoplefrom the other protest will start beating them orsomething.”At the same time, prominent LGBT activists haveengaged with other causes, not necessarily linkedwith the values and goals of the movement. Forinstance, lesbian activist Desislava Petrova (aliasSoldier) has joined a freedom of choice movementwhose primary focus is in favour of tobacco smokingand against recently adopted legislation thatprohibits it in public. This has been met with somedisapproval. “It is worrying to see an LGBT activistjoining forces with industry front groups against apiece of legislation which aims to resolve a problemthat has proven to have grave effects on womenand young girls in Bulgaria,” commented Dr. MashaGavrailova, a co-founder of the Women Against TobaccoSociety and a former public health official.Gender and women’s rights issues did not geta prominent place in the course of the recent protests,either. While many individual women ledand participated in the protests, few organisations10 Stana Iliev, personal interview, 18 April 2013.81 / Global Information Society Watch
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Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . .
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IntroductionJoanne SandlerGender at
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excluded. 9 And while recent data n
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ox 1In February 2009, intimate pict
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egime, increasing surveillance of t
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Accessing infrastructureMariama Dee
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figure 2.Share of individuals with
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figure 4.Share of where internet wa
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figure 7.Main reasons why individua
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A digital postcard urging people to
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and set the scene for a new point o
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activity, exhorting citizens to exe
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Using ICTs in support of women’s
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• Develop gender-sensitive techni
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The skill of using modern technolog
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However, non-official surveys indic
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iraqICTs and the fight against fema
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multimedia presentations in their v
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Both these groups emerged from the
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Action stepsPaestum 2013Just before
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in 2009. The Dunn et al. study foun
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end of the ICT spectrum, reflecting
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japanDealing with the backlash: Pro
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Akiko and teacher Nomaki Masako (wh
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Access to ICTs helps in the fulfilm
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ut the case was ultimately dismisse
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kenyaWomen and cyber crime in Kenya
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huge online following. Known as an
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Action steps• Lobby to have onlin
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For example, although the abovement
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In addition to the cases mentioned
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Two years later, when facing a simi
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NEPALPerspectives of Nepali women i
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Table 2.Women in technical position
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NetherlandsInternet, information an
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procure a safe medical abortion. Th
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NEW ZEALANDProposed new laws and th
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world. The gender inequalities play
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NIGERIAThe use of ICTs to express p
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the issue in the public eye until p
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PAKISTANShaping ICTs in Pakistan us
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with Pakistan’s internet ranking
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PERUWomen against violence: Using t
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een delays in the judicial response
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infrastructure, clear processes and
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employment. While science courses a
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One of the protesting organisations
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county libraries have been trained
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trained to be accustomed to gatheri
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ConclusionThe government of Rwanda
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a threat to the South African publi
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spainShaping the internet: Women’
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and up to 23% to 25% in industrial
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Economic activityAt the end of the
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Action stepsSwitzerland has ratifie
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• Conducting social campaigns and
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gender equality in the new constitu
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inheritance rights. However, in man
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thailandThai cyber sexuality: Liber
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Table 1.Selected examples of online
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ugandaUsing ICTs to create awarenes
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united statesThe flame war on women
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Council that addresses online haras
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Because of this the DWU became cons
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venezuelaICT and gender violence in
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company PDVSA 41 (2), the National
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This image from Pakistan captures t