Male hegemonic institutionsWhen male hegemonic factions compete for thepredominance of economic, multilateral, developmentalor human-rights related frameworks for ICTpolicies, their comparative influence can alreadybe judged by the kinds of political institutions inwhich the crucial debates and power brokering arehoused. The internet governance sphere is particularlyvaried in this regard. It ranges from the globallevel of institutions such as the Internet Corporationfor Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), theWorld Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO),the International Telecommunication Union (ITU),the Internet Governance Forum (IGF), the UNEducational, Scientific and Cultural Organization(UNESCO) and the UN Development Programme(UNDP), to regional and national institutions andtheir divergent approaches and mix of stakeholdergroups. Each of these institutions has a unique historicaltrajectory of hegemonic positions, reflectedin the internal agreements these have achievedover time.From a feminist perspective, the institutionsvary tremendously in terms of the possibilities formeaningful involvement, from relatively open setupssuch as the IGF to relatively closed ones suchas the ITU. Many deliberative processes that areopen to all concerned stakeholders are very drawnout and consequently require a lot of time, attentionand financial resources, such as the negotiationsconcerning generic top-level domains (gTLDs) thattook place in ICANN. In other scenarios, the politicalweight of the final outcome may be very uncertain,such as with the IGF, UNESCO or UNDP. Yet otherprocesses with high political stakes may largelybe conducted behind closed doors, for instance atWIPO.Homosocial setupsIn internet governance, as in many other spheres ofpolitics, women are still under-represented in eachstakeholder group, and particularly so as real powerbrokers and visible experts, including panellists.Because of this, a special measure for women thathas consistently been advocated by many feministsis affirmative action in internet governance deliberativeand policy-making bodies. But normativecommitments, such as the acknowledgment of theWorld Summit on the Information Society (WSIS)that women should fully participate in all decisionmakingprocesses, are not even implemented inforums that directly follow from WSIS, such as theIGF and comparable forums at the regional level.Conceptually, women’s involvement of courseneeds to be differentiated from feminist involvement,since both men and women can either becomplicit with male hegemony or oppose it and takefeminist stances. However, it has long been arguedin feminist circles that a critical mass of women inany institution is needed to enable women to begindeveloping feminist positions. This includes ananalysis of the gendered stakes in supposedly universalissues.Hegemonic framing of issues and agendasThe standpoints and habits of perception of comparativelyprivileged men lead to the identificationof certain political issues and their adoption withinspecific rhetorical frameworks. Consequently, anymainstream political agenda of issues already representsthe outcome of power struggles amonggroups of privileged men, and the outcome of thesubsequent policy debate largely reflects whichgroups of men have achieved dominance, or in genderedterms, which groups of men now representhegemonic masculinity.Such processes of agenda setting and framingsuccessfully serve to alienate many women – andalso groups of men – and keep them from enteringthe political process in the first place. Manymarginalised groups neither relate to the issues,nor is it easy for them to adopt the perspectivesfrom which these issues have been identified.Consequently, these groups also cannot immediatelysee how these issues connect to their ownlived realities or the political issues they find mostcritical. For many feminists, for instance, clear-cutgender-political issues such as violence againstwomen, the feminisation of poverty or the exploitationof women workers represent reasonablechoices to engage with politically in scenariosthat expressly address them. The fact that internetgovernance issues such as cyber crime, digitalintellectual property rights and neoliberal ICT policies,respectively, may have a crucial bearing oneach of these feminist issues is not immediatelyapparent, even though their influence might bequite decisive.The problem of setting priorities for feministadvocacy needs to be understood in the contextof a scarcity of resources that feminists can utilise.Scarce resources require a careful selectionof the issues and political venues that we think aremost pressing to engage in. In addition, abstractedinternet governance issues in particular requiresubstantial resources because a lot of feminist56 / Global Information Society Watch
academic groundwork is needed, both in termsof top-down projections of how certain decisionsmight impact different groups of women and men,as well as bottom-up analyses of good-practice examplesand prognoses of which groups of womenwould require which kinds of internet governancepolicies to remedy which forms of discriminationagainst them.Even under these adverse conditions, however,some feminists and their associations do find itworthwhile to engage in internet governance scenarios,and we will now turn to the strategies weemploy and the limits and problems we encounterwith them.Demands for normative commitmentsAt the normative level, we lobby for a reaffirmationof non-discrimination, gender equality andwomen’s empowerment as guiding principles.Concurrently, we seek a reaffirmation of the historicallegacy of gender politics as such. We thereforelobby for the inclusion of references to the agreedconclusions of the world conferences on womenand the outcomes of their review process, CEDAW,and any other relevant precedents. We also callfor a reaffirmation of the strategy of gender mainstreaming,which, when successful, leads to theparadox of a policy document that demands gendermainstreaming while not having itself beenindebted to it.The strategy of reiteration and reaffirmationis chosen because feminists have so far not experiencedany significant trickle-down effects ofpreviously successful interventions. We have thereforenot been able to directly build on the gainsachieved in any previous forum and political process.Instead, we seem to have to engage in thesame kinds of lobbying and advocacy in each newsetting and process.Demands for the collection of genderdisaggregateddataGender mainstreaming requires the collection ofgender-disaggregated data, and this is a crucialfeminist demand because it constitutes the basisfor any meaningful policy interventions. This demandis not only ideologically contentious frommainstream perspectives, because it makes injusticesvisible; it also involves a fight over budgets,because data collections require substantial monetaryand labour resources. At issue here is thecollection and analysis of rough demographic dataas well as the creation of indicators that will lead toqualitative and quantitative data of sufficient qualityand granularity.Erasure of “bad” languagePolitical negotiations not only revolve around conceptsbut also around their wording. In certaincontexts, it may be as important for feminists toachieve the erasure of specific concepts, phrasesor conjunctions as it may be to achieve the inclusionof items. If successful, this can only be seenwhen examining the history of the negotiations, as,for instance, preserved in draft documents, while itcannot be gleaned from the text of the agreed conclusions.In gender politics, what many feministsseek to avoid at all costs is a conflation of womenwith other marginalised groups such as children,differently abled people, or people living in landlockedcountries.Engaging with mainstream,gender-blindly worded issue politicsOf course, we also seek to influence the negotiationsaround specific internet governance issues,such as those concerning internet censorship anddigital surveillance, free and open source software(FOSS), or intellectual property rights. Given the absenceof gender mainstreaming when these issuesarrived on the political agenda, this means that genderanalyses often have to be commissioned andconducted “on the fly”, while the larger political deliberationsare already in full swing. Concurrently,there is often not a lot of time left to develop a feministconsensus on the policy positions that shouldbe developed accordingly. This is not only an analyticand intellectual problem, because it also leaveslittle room for strategic considerations, bargainingand coalition building.Advocating special measures for girlsand womenThese analytic and strategic concerns also affectanother crucial type of feminist policy input: thedemands for special measures on behalf of girlsand women. The rationale behind such demandsis that unjust structures, institutions, practices andresource allocations that disadvantage many girlsand women vis-à-vis many boys and men need tobe fought by strengthening those that are discriminatedagainst. However, in otherwise gender-blindpolitical processes, all that can be achieved in thisregard is that some of this feminist input is takenup selectively. The result can be problematic on accountof the following issues.57 / Global Information Society Watch
- Page 5 and 6: Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . .
- Page 7: IntroductionJoanne SandlerGender at
- Page 10 and 11: excluded. 9 And while recent data n
- Page 12 and 13: ox 1In February 2009, intimate pict
- Page 14 and 15: egime, increasing surveillance of t
- Page 16 and 17: Accessing infrastructureMariama Dee
- Page 18 and 19: figure 2.Share of individuals with
- Page 20 and 21: figure 4.Share of where internet wa
- Page 22 and 23: figure 7.Main reasons why individua
- Page 24 and 25: A digital postcard urging people to
- Page 26 and 27: and set the scene for a new point o
- Page 28 and 29: activity, exhorting citizens to exe
- Page 30 and 31: to citizens. 30 The situated experi
- Page 32 and 33: Sexuality and the internetBruno Zil
- Page 34 and 35: ally exclusive. Commercial sex is a
- Page 36 and 37: Sometimes, strangers they meet onli
- Page 38 and 39: Violence against women onlineJan Mo
- Page 40 and 41: elated forms of VAW have become par
- Page 42 and 43: Men often feel that they own their
- Page 45 and 46: ConclusionAs Daroczi, Shevchenko, R
- Page 47 and 48: Online disobedienceNadine MoawadAss
- Page 49 and 50: mapping platform for sexual harassm
- Page 51 and 52: 1800 1850 1900Maria Gaetana Agnesi(
- Page 53 and 54: TodaySusan KareCreated the icons an
- Page 55: Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
- Page 59 and 60: empowered and disempowered by them.
- Page 61 and 62: Whose internet is it anyway?Shaping
- Page 63 and 64: Country reports
- Page 65 and 66: P is for PIN: “The website works
- Page 67 and 68: Crime of Trafficking, 9 which recei
- Page 69 and 70: Role of ICTs in the trafficking of
- Page 71 and 72: (1) If any person deliberately publ
- Page 73 and 74: BOLIVIAPreventing digital violence
- Page 75 and 76: Due to the popularity and widesprea
- Page 77 and 78: a position of privilege.” 7 It be
- Page 79 and 80: the councils that the spaces alone
- Page 81 and 82: gradually become the primary field
- Page 83 and 84: Sexuality in Communist Bulgaria”,
- Page 85 and 86: • Of the five MPCTs selected, two
- Page 87 and 88: • MPCT managers should regularly
- Page 89 and 90: protest movement that has gained si
- Page 91 and 92: to arise as to the evolving nature
- Page 93 and 94: CHINAMicroblogs: An alternative, if
- Page 95 and 96: domestic violence, and the exacting
- Page 97 and 98: colombiaWomen’s rights, gender an
- Page 99 and 100: • Women activists and human right
- Page 101 and 102: CONGO, democratic republic ofOnline
- Page 103 and 104: CONGO, REPUBLIC OFWomen’s rights
- Page 105 and 106: The different uses of ICTs for wome
- Page 107 and 108:
cook islandsBalancing leadership: A
- Page 109 and 110:
and the Netherlands (38.7%). Of the
- Page 111 and 112:
costa ricaThe ICT sector requires t
- Page 113 and 114:
côte d’ivoireYasmina Ouégnin: A
- Page 115 and 116:
family expenses according to their
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was any kind of consultation before
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violence and violence against women
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Write Me In is a series of digital
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Online protests over “virginity t
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ethiopiaEmpowering women through IC
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the exchange take as much as 80% of
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indiaThe internet as a pathway for
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Using ICTs in support of women’s
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• Develop gender-sensitive techni
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The skill of using modern technolog
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However, non-official surveys indic
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iraqICTs and the fight against fema
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multimedia presentations in their v
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Both these groups emerged from the
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Action stepsPaestum 2013Just before
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in 2009. The Dunn et al. study foun
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end of the ICT spectrum, reflecting
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japanDealing with the backlash: Pro
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Akiko and teacher Nomaki Masako (wh
- Page 155 and 156:
Access to ICTs helps in the fulfilm
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ut the case was ultimately dismisse
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kenyaWomen and cyber crime in Kenya
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huge online following. Known as an
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Action steps• Lobby to have onlin
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For example, although the abovement
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In addition to the cases mentioned
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Two years later, when facing a simi
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NEPALPerspectives of Nepali women i
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Table 2.Women in technical position
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NetherlandsInternet, information an
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procure a safe medical abortion. Th
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NEW ZEALANDProposed new laws and th
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world. The gender inequalities play
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NIGERIAThe use of ICTs to express p
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the issue in the public eye until p
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PAKISTANShaping ICTs in Pakistan us
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with Pakistan’s internet ranking
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PERUWomen against violence: Using t
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een delays in the judicial response
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infrastructure, clear processes and
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employment. While science courses a
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One of the protesting organisations
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county libraries have been trained
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trained to be accustomed to gatheri
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ConclusionThe government of Rwanda
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a threat to the South African publi
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spainShaping the internet: Women’
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and up to 23% to 25% in industrial
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Economic activityAt the end of the
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Action stepsSwitzerland has ratifie
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• Conducting social campaigns and
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gender equality in the new constitu
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inheritance rights. However, in man
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thailandThai cyber sexuality: Liber
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Table 1.Selected examples of online
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ugandaUsing ICTs to create awarenes
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united statesThe flame war on women
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Council that addresses online haras
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Because of this the DWU became cons
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venezuelaICT and gender violence in
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company PDVSA 41 (2), the National
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This image from Pakistan captures t