My mother died on January 4, 1946. When it happened, my sister was mostlyunconscious with fever and I couldn't go to the funeral either, because I was so ill myself that Icouldn't even stand up. Through the window I could see them taking her to the cemetery: manywere placed into the same grave that day.In the spring of 1946, the guarding of the camp was not as strict as before. We even heardof successful escapes. People were fleeing to Hungary, because Gakova was only seven milesfrom the Hungarian border. A young man who managed to cross the border, after a successfulescape from the camp, met one of my uncles who was living in Kalocsa. He told my uncle thatmy sister and I were alive. He managed to persuade the man to return secretly to the camp andrescue us. this brave young man took the risk. One night my Sister and I managed to get out ofthe85camp with him and cross the fields to Hungary. it was cold and foggy. It was quite dangerous,because we could hardly walk, and I was coughing and could be heard a distance.Uncle was waiting for us with a wagon at the border. The rest of the way to Kalocsa was mucheasier.We were surprised to see that life in Hungary was about the same. Students went to school, andfarmers started working in the fields. There was going to be a wedding at one of my relatives.They didn't know that a few miles away from their home, corpses were thrown into pits by thedozen.In the massacre of November 25, 1944, my father and four brothers died. In the camp ofGakova my mother, two of my grandparents, an aunt, a niece and her three daughters died. thesewere my close relatives. Ten to fifteen thousand people died in Gakova.If the Serbian "heroes" who ordered or committed these terrible massacres are still alive,they probably have high retirement pensions and a lot of medals and badges on their chest.I've heard about a <strong>book</strong> published in Germany by Wendelin Gruber. "In den Fangen desRoten Drachen ("In the Claws of the Red Dragon", Miriam Verlag, Munich) . I haven't read it,but I know that the details are more exact in this <strong>book</strong>. The author talked to many eye witnesses.listened to them carefully, and spent a lot of time writing the <strong>book</strong>.I don't know how long the camp in Gakova stayed open after our escape. It was obviousthat the purpose was to kill as many people as possible and in not to provide communal work. Isaw a man in a white coat who may have been a physician, but he didn't take care of us nor giveus medicine.The Serbians solved the ethnic question once and for all over that one and a half yearperiod. On a tourist trip in 1968 we travelled through Szentfulop and saw the town mayor whosechest was fully decorated with medals. It were obvious that the village was very poor. Beforethe massacres the village had been prosperous and tidy, with hard working people. Thevillagers from this earlier period could not be found. The yards were without flowers, a lot ofweeds. unpainted and shaky fences, unpainted houses with broken windows. The newcomersdidn't feel that it was their village.Every vault in the cemetery was destroyed. We found the top of our family tomb half pulledaway. We could see the bottom of the vault, where there were bones and pieces of coffinseverywhere. The marble stones beside the tombs with inscriptions on them had been taken away.Ours were there, but in broken pieces on the
86ground. we were able to read the lines on the marble. The newcomers' burial places provided thegreatest possible contrast. every tomb had its own marble headstone.Dear sir.<strong>This</strong> letter became a very long one. I had never told this story from beginning to end, noteven to my grandchildren.Yours Sincerely,a Bavarian-Swabian "girl" who feels she has a Hungarian heart."TEMERIN"I deserted the Hungarian army. In October there was still a German Tiger tank in front of ourhouse. When the Germans left, an executive committee was formed. We gathered in oldKalmar's Restaurant. In a day or two the Partisan Punitive Company arrived in the village. Wethought we were going to be punished, because we had not hindered the deportation of Jews thatsummer.A decree was issued ordering all the men between sixteen and sixty to go to the churchyard witha shovel and sandwiches for a day.The commander knew Hungarian. he said he lived in Zenta. There was a short man from Adaand a Jew in police uniform among the partisan troops.The men reported to the churchyard and were ordered to line up. An officer of the partisansstood in front of them with a list in his hand. He had a machine gun on his shoulder and apartisan cap with a red star on his head.The armed Partisans arrived in four or five horsedrawn carts from Novi Sad, all of them armed.There were no women among them. Everyone obeyed the call, since the Partisans said thatwhoever was found at home would be shot. Those who had carts and horses had to take them,but they all had to get off and join the others in the line, except for the few who had to carryfirewood to the parish hall.We thought we would have to join the army, but those who were called forth by the partisanofficer had to go to the convent. Our line stood between the church and the convent. I becamesuspicious when one of the guards said to a man whose name was called, "Pass me the shovel,you won't need it any more."I didn't know any of the partisans. The commander made it clear they had come to collect theguilty, while the rest would go to87work. They did not say that they were looking for the names of those who had participated in theraids in Csurog or Zsablya. They didn't care that the person had left the village. they gatheredtheir namesakes in the convent.They also tried to find the police officer of Nagyada, but out of fear he had hidden in a stack ofstraw and cut his throat with a razor. His relatives who had to pay the price for him.
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Library of Congress Catalogue Card
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Mutilation of the hands or feet wit
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they wanted to belong. On the annex
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individuals, then shooting them by
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- Page 16 and 17: 26that those people all fell victim
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- Page 22 and 23: Jani was set free for he had been a
- Page 24 and 25: There were some people who, in spit
- Page 26 and 27: March 12, 1945. The relatives of th
- Page 28 and 29: Ferenc Csapo, 33 Mihaly Miovacs, 18
- Page 30 and 31: Having heard about the advance of t
- Page 32 and 33: "On November 3, I got up at five in
- Page 34 and 35: The vicar would come every night. H
- Page 36 and 37: hand. Raising it to his mouth, he d
- Page 38 and 39: "24th October, 1944. Yesterday was
- Page 40 and 41: "I have only one chance to be sacri
- Page 42 and 43: The data, which shows that on the s
- Page 44 and 45: all the captured Serbs, as neither
- Page 46 and 47: Before and during World War II, the
- Page 48 and 49: would order fire in an instant. Wit
- Page 50 and 51: Our house looked out over the main
- Page 52 and 53: He had just arrived home after thre
- Page 54 and 55: 28. Jozsef Pasztor, 34 56. Albert G
- Page 56 and 57: The OZNA officer, who exhumed a mas
- Page 58 and 59: 7917 year old Karoly and 8 year old
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- Page 64 and 65: Jozsi, the leader of our committee
- Page 66 and 67: his own grave, then machine gunned
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- Page 72 and 73: 15 Istvan Polyakovics, Zenta, 18861
- Page 74 and 75: idge was built (from several rows o
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- Page 78 and 79: The Catholics of the village were o
- Page 80 and 81: and their supporters. On one occasi
- Page 82 and 83: "My younger brother, Bandi, was tak
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- Page 86 and 87: In Tunderes (Vilova) there was no o
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- Page 90 and 91: 121PACSERAt Pacser sixteen Serbians
- Page 92 and 93: piece of land, there are three rows
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- Page 102 and 103: 137REPORT OF LOSSESIn addition to o
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The accused did not make use of his
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the spirit of revenge among the Hun
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considered all the claims of Hungar
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The People's Court of Budapest just
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From then on all hell breaks loose.
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Recommended readingeRudolf Kiszlion