June 29, 2001 ■<strong>Model</strong> Transit-Oriented District Overlay <strong>Zoning</strong> <strong>Ordinance</strong>district that will consolidate parking facilities freeing the individual developers from having toconstruct all parking on-site. In conjunction with parking maximums, shared parking will createan environment that limits the presence of the automobile and opens opportunities for alternativemodes of travel to become equal if not dominant. In turn, these parking strategies attractdevelopers by freeing up larger areas for revenue-generating development.Another variant from many <strong>TOD</strong> projects is that the private developer is now negotiating to sellthe area’s major transit facility, Union Station, to the City and transit agency; rather than thetransit agency selling or leasing land to a developer.While <strong>TOD</strong> policies and directives were being developed by the City, RTD and DRCOG, policieshad little influence over its design. However, The Commons has helped to build public andprivate support for and interest in <strong>TOD</strong>s at other locations. If the build-out of The Commons issuccessful, this should help create further support for <strong>TOD</strong> throughout the region.Finally, The Commons is an important case study because it illustrates that the definition of <strong>TOD</strong>needs to be flexible. The interest of Trillium in the project area preceded much of the discussionof opportunities for <strong>TOD</strong> in the region, and the development has been driven by a strong realestate market, available infrastructure, good location in relation to downtown and otherredevelopment projects, etc. In some ways, The Commons has “grown into being a <strong>TOD</strong>” as thedevelopment concept has matured along with Denver’s policy and public understanding of thepotential for <strong>TOD</strong>.5. Case Study #5: Barrio Logan Neighborhood<strong>TOD</strong> Infill and Revitalization5.1 BackgroundThe Barrio Logan Neighborhood in San Diego, California, provides a case study in urban infill andrevitalization of a Latino community. The revitalization of the neighborhood, which is within easywalking distance of a San Diego light rail trolley station, has focused on the development ofaffordable housing and new commercial activity, more than on purposefully encouraging transituse. The projects discussed below have had to overcome, or are still working to overcome, thehurdles and developer and lender prejudices that go along with the economic and social context ofthe community. The lack of a “desirable” market in the eyes of conventional development hascreated difficult barriers to urban revitalization, missing the opportunity presented by the light railstation to create a vital, minority community with a high level of accessibility. The situation hashowever, rallied neighborhood residents to proactively rebuild their community.5.2 History and Planning ContextIn the 1940’s and 50’s, the Barrio Logan neighborhood was a thriving center of activity. It was thesecond-largest Mexican-<strong>America</strong>n neighborhood in California, with over 20,000 residents. Thecommunity was drastically changed by a series of events that took place over the next thirty years.In the mid-1950’s, due to the neighborhood’s proximity to the port area, the City of San Diegochanged the zoning designation, which was predominantly residential, to include industrial M-1 andM-2 designations allowing incompatible industrial uses to move in near existing homes.Page 26 ■ Chapter III ■ Valley Connections
<strong>Model</strong> Transit-Oriented District Overlay <strong>Zoning</strong> <strong>Ordinance</strong> ■ June 29, 2001Then, in 1963, Barrio Logan became separated from the rest of the greater Logan Heightsneighborhood by the construction of the elevated I-5 Freeway. The one-half mile by three-mile landarea that comprised the Barrio Logan neighborhood was now wedged between the freeway and thePort of San Diego. The construction of the Coronado Bridge in 1969 exacerbated the separationwith its soaring, two hundred-foot presence above the single-family homes and businesses in theneighborhood. At the time of the opening of the bridge, the population of Barrio Logan had droppedto just 5,000; the separation from the rest of the community was taking its toll.The changes in the neighborhood finally encouraged frustrated residents to mobilize. When the cityreneged on a promise to designate land beneath the freeway for a community park, residentsresponded by lying in front of bulldozers being used to start construction of a California HighwayPatrol facility. Escalating acts of protest eventually forced the city and state to keep their promise.The site is now Chicano Park, with its world-famous murals. T Community activists were involvedthroughout the 1970’s in improving the condition of Barrio Logan.Figure 5.1: The murals of Chicano Park reflect the history of theneighborhood and its people. This mural is a tribute to community activist,Laura Rodriguez, who was the driving force behind the establishment of aneighborhood community health center. UIn 1970, residents of the Barrio Logan Neighborhood saw an opportunity to take positive stepstoward the revitalization of their neighborhood by actively participating in the California LocalCoastal Plan Review. Through this program, the state provided resources to develop new land useT“Mercado Apartments,” The Urban Land Institute Project Reference File 28.15 (1998).U“Plain Talk, The Story of a Community-Based Strategy to Reduce Teen Pregnancy. Part I-Empowering Communities,” The Annie E. Casey Foundation 25 June 2001.Valley Connections ■ Chapter III ■ Page 27
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