The Economy of Catalonia

fact, the high proportion of multinational business on the Iberian peninsula
concentrated in Catalonia is even more notable in the case of firms
from the richest western economies. Over 50% of the companies from G7
countries have a site there, representing a total of 3,800 companies. For
example, 86% of Japanese companies present in Spain operate at least in
Catalonia, along with 67% of Italian firms, 63% of United States ones and
62% of French. The specific weight of multinationals is due largely to a
tendency to serve an Iberian market of nearly 60 million consumers from
the solid base of Catalonia, precisely because of the combination of factors
discussed above, which is unique on the peninsula.
By way of example, in the chemical industry Catalonia hosts nearly half
of the total for basic chemicals in Spain (transforming oil derivatives into
basic chemicals like polyethylene, solvents, polymers and so on), based
above all on the excellent logistics of the port of Tarragona, the leading
petrochemical hub in southern Europe. On the other hand, in the plastics
sector, where the need to serve end customers (packaging and food
containers, piping, plastic bags and so on) in situ is more important than
the scale of production, Catalonia accounts for 25%, which exactly
matches Catalan industry in general. It seems obvious from the outset
that the factors which have made Catalonia attractive as a base for foreign
investment are not easily “commoditisable” around the Iberian peninsula.
These factors begin with the logistical capacity discussed above (a
combination of geography and hard and soft infrastructures), followed
by the others already mentioned: diversification of industry and services,
a qualified workforce, a traditional vocation for industry, the power of
attraction of Barcelona and commercial openness.
With regard to the opportunity of devolved management of resources, it
should be borne in mind how far this power of attraction of Catalonia has
been possible in spite of the distinctly unsupportive policy of Spanish central
government. This is illustrated by the figures given at the beginning
regarding the infrastructure deficit. This has led, for example, to the fact
that it is only a large-scale public-private mobilisation of the economies of
the so-called Mediterranean Arc to apply pressure in Madrid and Brussels
that has forced the Spanish government, nearly ten years late, to include
budget allocations in the BOE, the official state journal, to finance the
Euro-Mediterranean corridor, which once built will provide a vital link
between the economic activities of the south and the Mediterranean coastline
of the Iberian peninsula with the rest of continental western Europe,
The position of an independent Catalonia in the international context 25