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knowledge and skills not possessed by lay people, considerable autonomy in practice and<br />

entry to the profession, commensurate compensation, and a professional organization.<br />

These dimensions differentiate a professional role from other types of occupations<br />

(Darling-Hammond & Sykes, 1999; Saracho & Spodek, 1993).<br />

Early childhood education as a profession is in process. Whitebrook (2002)<br />

suggests that the benchmarks in professionalization include defining a distinct and<br />

exclusive body of knowledge, establishing training and certification processes, increasing<br />

political influence, and increasing the economic well being of its members. Since its<br />

inception in the 1980s, the Canadian Child Care Federation (CCCF) has been working on<br />

the four benchmarks in its desire to advance the occupation of early childhood education<br />

and care (Ferguson, 2004). Many practitioners however, are ambivalent about<br />

professionalization (Kuhn, 1999).<br />

Kuhn (1999) found that among practitioners the reservations expressed towards<br />

professionalization were related to what they perceived as negative attributes of an expert<br />

culture. Being an expert was associated with impersonal expert-client relationships,<br />

incompatible with the view of child care as caring relationships with children and<br />

supportive relationships with parents. Some viewed a professional status as exclusionary,<br />

setting the occupation too far apart from those being served and making entry into the<br />

profession difficult.<br />

Pence (1999) suggests that the perspective of professionalism in early childhood<br />

education and care be widened to include a range of voices including parents, children,<br />

community and professionals. The classical construction of professionalism as found in<br />

medicine and law suggests that knowledge is a commodity that is held and produced by a

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