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not heve been aalf-inflictmd, nor ciusid eccidentally. He said •w are satisfied that Mr Mdlult sustained the injuries while he was In tha custody of the Security Police. There is no evidence of how ha suffered tha injuries, or In shot circumstances* That is a setter peculiarly in the knowledge of the persona In whose custody he was at tha time end none of them has given evidence. The statements mode by both Judges have far- reaching Implications in tens of further lnvestlegtion into Udlull's death. However, no further action hot t>^mn taken by the attorney general, end the circumstances of his death hevw only left his interrogators that much more suspect in the eyes of the world. As has been stated above, Inquests ere far from adequate means of establishing what actually happens when a death has occurred in detention. If a civil or criminal case reaches the courts t much more evidence is brought to light, both sides lnvestlgeting and arguing more deeply the events leading up to the death, Mspotle wohapl An lnquaat into tha death in detention of Uepetla* Uohapi (died 15.07.76) found that the cause of death was 'force applied to hie neck due to hanging'. His death, the magistrate seid, was not brought about by any act or omission by any living person. However, the magistrate did not issue a formal verdict of suicide. tapetla Mohapi's widow then sued the Minister of Police for damages for loss of support resulting from the death of her husband In police cuetody. This is the only civil action with regard to a death in detention actually fought in a court of law which was not kept out of that arena through out-of-court settle wants* which has bean the common practice. In Uohapi vs Minister of Police, much of the argument centred around a suicide note which counsel for Hrs Uohapi argued was faked. They brought in expert witnesses to testify, one of whom was a Or ifcjllus Grant, past president of the Forensic Science Staiaty, end medical Legal Society of Great Britain, » Or Grant showed differences betawen the handwriting of the alleged suicide note and other authentic examples of Uohapi's handwriting. Ooctor Grant had the toilet paper on which the alleged suicide note waa written analysed under ultra-violet light. The same procedure was adopted for other notes which Uohapi had smuggled out on toilet paper, while in detention. Or Grant claimed that the composition of the paper on which the 'suicide note* was written was of a different composition from thet of Uohapi's clandestine letters, ie they did not come from the same roil. Evidence was also led as to the change in tone from three optimistic letters written from Jail and then the improbable suicide note. Mrs Uohapi said thet in the letters he had smuggled out, Uohapi had expressed optimism about tha future. He advised her to obtain a loan In his name to tide her over 'until I em back in circulation someday*. , In en unprecedented move t evidence of an ex detainee, who was in exile In Lesotho, was heard. Thenjlwe Utintso described in her evidence how Captain Hansen of the security police had held her head with his thighs and put a towel across her face end pulled it tight. He hed then said, 'Now you know how Uohapi died 1 (Star, ie.Oi.eo). The police led evidence to the affect that the suicide note was genuine. Lt Col Fourie said ha had examined the suicide note and compared it with authentic writings of Uohapi**, and said 'there ware no signs to convince (him) thet lt waa not a genuine document•. A second police handwriting expert, Oet-Sgt KFC landman, said he had applied 10 different criteria to establish whether the Uohapi note might be a forgery. They all proved negative, he said. The finding of Justice Smalberger ems that there had not been sufficient evidence to suggest that Uonapl's death had been caused through assault by the police. Neither was there convincing evidence to suggest that 'the suicide note was faked. He dismissed Urs Uohapl's claim, end ordered her to pay all costs tp the Minister of Police. W overview of the available findings of inquests tf into deaths In detention reveals two issues* firstly, the magistrate'e findings as to the cause of death follows closely the explanations advanced by security police when they announce the death. Secondly, no magistrate has ever found any policeman or other person responsible for a death that has occurred in detention. Further, no magistrate has ever recorded mn 'open verdict' in an inquest into a death In detention - which would meen that- he was not able to make a finding on the basis of the available evidence. In all legal proceedings dealing with deaths in detention, security police have been exonerated mvmry time. (•MmtjtLiiiTii) DOTT in I#C«»TI0K PILE IIP - UU IT : Critical WMlta srwvt4M - lam for nta» tart srwarmulfe aMlta- •wriMTi C*R plm/ fa Pmpl i Knew .•ttttty. - • tritiem *f •hailtJr la Imrtatfm Africa. • mmraam of IwalUi at t autc Hato. dfHiAltOA Of kMlU nliud • turn*;. - iMiaM Into tfm mriUtttl Mtvre of wnltJk. /Vm tt: Critfcil WMlta, X ! F.O. »ox mi, 1 I Jofctnrwifejnj, 2000. VfcmstHptimi: •t*«0c" for emit fmw itumt.J page 14
I 0-B« 15 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICAL ECONOMY, part 4 THE previous three port* Of this series have ondentrated almost exclusively on the structure of the capitalist aconoay. As explained in part one, ths economy am* focused on bocauae it is ther basis of socisty in general. This is not to say that politics, law, culture, ths stats and ideology ant not important. Claarly they an, and some of the aoat significant procassas and ralaticna ara found In tha non-economic arass of socisty. But as Piarra Jalte orgued, rajesnklnd** first naad is to Maintain physical life* production of tha aaana of subaistanca (clothing, food, housing) and tha conditions undar ahich thay ara producad ara of isnadiata» furidsmsntal and permanent importance....A socisty can only bo built upon suoh an economic infrastructure as a houaa on its foundations (quotsd in SIP 19:24). In other sards, the undarstanding of aconoalc structuras and falatlonshlpa alloas for tha exploration of other aapscts of sociaty. In this seneo, tha method usad in tha wrl« on political aoonoay involved exploring tha bass of capitalist socisty - tha economy - bafora trying to move on to other important faaturas of ths social systsn. But it is not quits accurate to say that tha shola aconoalc structure has baan explored in this series* Tha eronomy ltsalf is mede up of a nuatxer of interrelated parts* Thaaa involve tha actual production of coamditlas, as sail as tha say In ehleh coasiodltias ara bought and sold (circulation of goods). In looking at tha economy, it aas arguad that tha aoat iaportant procassas and relations at work involvad tha amy in ahich uoamodltlss sara prod-jcad. Tha aconoay as a shola aas tharafora not examined, but rathar tha conditions undar ahich co— odltloa ara producad. ( In tha invastigation of production, tso vary iaportant sats of rslations vsra uncovered. Thay involvad 1* tha ralatlonohip of tha various classas to tha aaana of production; and 2. tha aay In ahich tha capitalist class attaepts to incraaaa tha amount of surplus ahlQh is producad by tha sorklng class. It eaa arguad that thaaa relatione asra iaportant in that thay fonsod an initial basis for understanding tha diffarancas and slsdlarltlaa botesan various aociatiaa. It aaa found, for example* that tha capitalist class as a shola oaned tha noat iaportant aaana of production. This banorshlp ia a significant baala of poaar. In that it anablas ths oanars to dacida ahat is produced, hoa it is producad, and hoa any surplua la distributed and ralnvaatad. Thosa ralatlona shlch sara Identified in tha firat thraa parts of tha aarias on political aconoay fom a basis for undaratanding ehst classas ara in sociaty, and hoa ona ldantiflaa such classas. Tha capitalist class Is ldsntiflad in taraa of its osnarahlp of tha aaana of production, tha fact that its a—bsn do not produca comaodlties, and its ability to tsfce ovar or af>propriata tha surplus velum and profit ahich saorge from now production. Tha aorking class, on tha other hand, is dafinad by its separation froa (or non-oanership of) tha amens of production, tha fact that lta asafasn Are tha dlract producers of surplus value, yat have no control ovar how it ia distributed or reinvested. It Is tha identification of thaaa relatione ahich beglne to explain tha natura of the contradiction beteeen the tso major classes of capitalist sociaty* This contradiction is ths basia of conflict beteeen these classas. In ss such ae tha contradiction Is Inherent in the econoalc structure, conflict cannot dlsapper slthout e change In the basic economic relatione, k Put simply, this contrsdiction betaaan tha tao largest clsssss In eoclaty Is Indicated in the following says: the aorking class produces value and surplus value, ahlle the capitalist clasa appropriates (takes over) the surplus value produced; tha capitallet clasa oane the aeens of production, ehlle the aorking class is separated froa (does not own) the aeons of production; it la in tha lntsraeta of capital to incraaaa aurplue lebour tiae relative to necessary labour tlae eorksd (see tha dlsgraaatii and explanetlona in tha firat thraa parts of this earlee for tha difference between surplus end necessary labour tlaa); It Is in the' interests of labour to Increase necessary labour tlaa relative to surplus labour tlM. These seemingly aba tract notione neve vary real end concrete effects in socisty* (It is eorthahile rapeetlng here ahat ass pravlouely said about abstraction, ss that notion applies to tha aathod of political econosy. In pert one of the sariaa. It aas arguad that Tha sannar of investigating tha general natura of a social system involves....abstraction. Thia is tha wy in ahich tha aoat iaportant, the baaic features of e system ara Identified, aval the say in shlch thay ara lifted out of (abstracted froa) the less iaportant fseturas of thet system. This process is something dona in the atnd In en attempt to find out anion aspects of a society ere basic to that society - and shlch era superficial. The aethod of abstraction - of removing fundamental processes end etructuras fro» lass iaportant ones so that thay can be examined - la tied up elth tha atteapt to understand reality, rather then accepting that things ara tha aay thay aeea to be (IIP 19:Ze)), A nuaber of the abstract relatione end processes Identified neve concrete effecta In tha real aorld: for exajpl*! th * changing ralationahlps between necessary and surplus lebour tlae in practice involvee struggles bstaaen aorkera and employers ovar the length of tha aorking day, overtime, mechanleotion, and tha epeed and lnteneity of aork. Conflicts over these Issues tend to indicate en ettempt by either cepltel or lebour to change tha
Page 1 and 2: nr mm 1982 !'V V \ 1 i • » * s
Page 3 and 4: » DETENTIONS: Rabie Reports JUBT t
Page 5 and 6: dominate In South Africa. In these
Page 7 and 8: Ma+i-lightwd soee of the IMUN invol
Page 9 and 10: Baper* (LK8), beceuoe of *ta anti-u
Page 11 and 12: [DETENTIONS: Investigating Inquests
Page 13 and 14: peg* 11 officially performed post-m
Page 15: page 13 unless Inflicted beforw daa
Page 19 and 20: pega 17 oppressed BOTH by capital a
Page 21 and 22: I suthors' contention thmt it il ox
Page 23 and 24: Q ' analytical tools*( like role th
Page 25 and 26: page 2& •officiant nuebers of the
Page 27 and 28: gar. rgthnicjty: the ordinary peopl
Page 29 and 30: particularly •egaa, end hence wor
Page 31 and 32: £o natch 'their transport to gat h
Page 33 and 34: &C..31 to work in protest against t
Page 35 and 36: [fmgn 33 mturn to th«lr homes In t
Page 37 and 38: paga 36 - _ ' Fane Qeorge dibhole,
Page 39 and 40: peg* T/ appellant c la lea overrule
Page 41 and 42: 'ruling •tunic group'» or eo*eti
Page 43 and 44: in the 1960s extended the process o
Page 45 and 46: and othar claaa forces, began to cr
Page 47 and 48: movement (In collaboration with the
Page 49 and 50: 1939, but aoaa aaabars of the Natio
Page 51 and 52: An Important caveat needs to be wdi
Page 53 and 54: end Vorster by implication. Althoug
Page 55 and 56: of thit Cape party organisation and
Page 57 and 58: ^ — :—: __. * party, In «n ett

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