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7 onjanlaationt, rather than tha national institution*, within tha Provincial partlaa, tha Provincial leaders of tan hava graatar lnfluanca than tha National Laadar (aho is usually alao a laadar of ona of tha Provincial + partita - this coaprises hia raal poaar baaa within tha party). within tha party qua party (aa distinct froa tha cabinet) tha Provincial leader* wield aa audi poaar aa tha National Laadar hlaaalf. Tha Provincial partlaa hava alaaya vary Jaaloualy guarded their particular lntaraata, prerogatives and idantltiaa both froa aach othar, and froa tha 'National* institutions of tha party. Thua, tha 'raglonallat' or *provlnclaliat' strugglaa ahlch hava alaaya plagued Afrikaner - nationalist politic*, raat at ona laval on thaaa 4 distinct party atrvcturaa. Hoaavar, »ia raglonaliaa and tha oftan aida policy and ideological dlffaranca* bataaan tha political partlaa ara a*plainad by tha fact that aach party has a distinct claaa baaia: aach la tha inatitutionollaatlon of a distinct fora. of claaa alllanca ahlch diffara in important raapacta froa that of lta fadaral partners. Thua, aa aaparataly organlaad, aaparataly financad and aaparataly lad political lnatltutiona alth differential aoclal baaaat tha 4 provincial Natlonaliat Partlaa hava acqulrad distinct lnatltutlonal practices, ldaoloolcal atylaaand lntaraata. Far fro* baing aonolithic organisations, thay hava changad aignifioantly during tha parlod of tha »'a rula. IhUat it la ooaposad of a federation of 4 provincial partlaa, tha HP la In fact alaoat totally doalnatad by tha tao largaat of thaaa, tha Transvaal and Capa Nationalist Partlaa. Tha-ft* of*tha Oranga Fraa State haa tandad to folloa that of tha Tranavaal (although thara raaaln significant dlffarancaa), and tha NP of Natal la ao aaak aa to bo almost inaignifleant. Thua, for tha aafca of brevity, in tha analysis of tha growing crisis in tha Natlonaliat Party during tha 1970a, I ahall concantrata predominant!/ on tha tan largar provincial partlaa. Vary achaaatlcaUy, in tha Tranavaal in t948 tha NP aanagad for tha first ti-e In ita history to organiaa politically a claaa allianca of tha (alaoat axdualvaly Afrllraani apaafciimj) capitalist faraars of tha Provlnca; apaciflc strata of ahita workers in tha adnlng, conatruotlon, ataal and transport lnduatriaat' tha larga AfrUcaana apaateing patty bourgeoisie in tha state apparatus and tha profaaalona; and finally, aaarglng out of thla latter group, a aaall claaa of aspirant coaswrclal and financial capitalists organlaad in tha ftaddlnp^oaadbaaaging (literally, tha '-ova-ant for tha act of rascue). Thla lattar group aara haavily dapandant on tha ra- invaatad aurpluaaa of agricultura and tha savings of Afrlkaana apaatears of all claaaaa. Indaad, long bafora tha NP aaa abla to organlsa thaaa diaparata clasa foraaa into a political alllanca, through tha various organisations of tha RaddingsdaadbasaginQ, tha patty bourgaoiala had organlaad thaa into a fora of aoonoaic allianca. Elaaahara I hava analyaad in datall tha condition* giving rlaa to, and tha apaciflc fora of, thla allianca. 21 Hara It should be straaaad, hoaavar, that alongslda tha NP, Transvaal Natlonaliat politics aaa doalnatad by a aacrat aociaty knoan aa tha Afrikanar Broedsrbond. Tha Afrikaner Qroadarfaond aaa affaotlvaly tha institution through ahlch tha apaciflc lntaraata of tha Afrikaner patty bourgsoieis cams to ba lndapandantly organlaad and artlculatad. Tha Broadarbond aasuaad a aalf-conacioua rola aa tha vanguard of Afrikaner nationalism. Through It tha Afrikaner patty bourgeoisie axarclaad ideological dominance ovar tha Tranavaal NP and othar organs of Afrikaner nationalism in tha province (and ths Oranga Fraa State). Thua, in both tha vldar . Afrlkanar natlonaliat aovaaant in tha Tranavaal, and tha NP In particular, an idaology of tha Afrikaner yolk aaa artlculatad ahlch atraaaad a particular fora of •snti-iaperlalisa' and tha lntaraata of tha (ahita) 'aaall eavV against tha large (and predominantly English apaateing) eonopcJies ahlch doalnatad tha accraty. Tha situation in tha Capa differed aaricadly. Hara tha NP had long rastad on an aconoaic and political alllanca bataaan tha aaalthlar capitalist far-era, particularly of tha eastern Capa, on tha ona hsjnd, and a aaall group of financial capltaliata in tha oanlaai (and later Raeorandt) to-canie* Off ttta othar. Tha aoving spirits in Sanle-n had if* feet doalnatad tha Capa *F right frxm its inception in 1913. Thua tha Capa party aaa far aora opanly capitalist in oriantatlon and sympathies than that of tha Tiwiavaal. Ita lntarpratatlon of ahat constitutes tha *Afrlkanar volk' and 'iU 1 lntaraata like.ua varied considerably, laying far graatar aaphaaia on tha condltiona to aacura stable capitalist profit, ttoat significantly, tha Afrlkanar Biuadeibond aaa not a particularly iaportant forca in Capa' natlonaliat polltlca. Indaad, tha Broadartond aaa of tan characterised aa tha aajor oooooiticnal forca to tha 'Capa finance power* - ahlch bacaaa tha Tranavaal an%ar phraaa for tha Cape party. This la not tha place for a detailed analyala of tha regioneiisa In tha NP after 1906. Tap points hoaavar ahould ba noted. Firstly, during tha 1980a, tha previous Capa doainanca ovar tha NP as a ahola began to give aay to tha now aora powerful forces of tha Tranavaal- IMa ia raflactad in tha success of tha tao Tranavaal candidate* (JG Strfjdoa and hF Varaoard) ovar tha Capa candidates (H Havanga and C Oongaa) In tha leadership elections of 1964 and 1956. Thla groaing Tranavaal doalnanca raflacU tha incraaaing isolation of 'Capa financa poaar* • froa tha forcaa aafcing up tha Tranavaal la*. Secondlyt during tha 1960a a crucial shift began to take place in tha econoaic alllances underpinning tha Capa fcff\ Tha accumulation atratagy of tha natlonaliat economic -eovawwjnt (tha namaJlTyjadaea^asaBtng) during tha 19at)a rested on tha centralisation into Afrikaner financial unoajrtafelnga of surplus aoney- capital erassulatad in agrloultura, and lta conversion hara Into productive capital. Hoaavar, tha aavlnga of Afrllcanar workers and tha patty bourgeoisie aara alao an iaportant oacondary source of finance. Hoaavar, tha rata and pattern of accuaulatlon in tha varioua aconoaic undertakings established by tha Rat« 1 noadaadbaaapina aaa unavan. Aa by far tha largaat and aoat powerful Afrlkanar financial ttsapany, Sanlaa had inspired tha economic
movement (In collaboration with the Broederbond), dominated its various organisations, and was the prime economic beneficiary of the alliance. Largely as a result of HP policy after 1946, the growth of Senlem aftar 1946 wee nothing short of remarkable. By i960 the funds uodar its control had been increased by over 1 500)1. The real eignificance of thie growth lies in the fact that by 1960, long before any other Afrikaner financial undertaking (with the possible exception of the Rembrandt Corporation) eas in a similar position, Senlem's total aconoailc dependence on an alliance elth farmers and workers as the eejor source of its capital had been broken. Freed from the need for an economic alliance elth agriculture. Senlaa began to pursue Independent (and previously unthinkable) economic and political policies. After 1960, it moved into ever closer cooperation eith the Anglo-American Corporation in a number of undertakings, culminating in a Joint take over of the General etining and Finance Corporation - thua gaining the first ever entry of an Afrikaner company into the 'mammy territory' of mining finance. This cooperation eith the arch epltoee of 'Hoggenheimer' aroused bitter condemnation of Sanlam within Afrikaner nationalist ranks. ZS The differentiel development of Afrikaner finance after 1905 la yet another area requiring much further research. Yet the basic point is clear. By 1960 the process of capital accumulation was rapidly loosening the economic alliance between Cepe finence capital and agriculture. This vital shift in the alignment of forces organised by the Cape NP, had algnificant effects for the politics of the Cape party. Sanlem retained its overwhelming dominance of the Cepe nP, which began to engage in increasingly open conflict with the other provincial parties on precisely the basic questions of the constitution of the Afrikaner volk and the nature of ff ita B interests. * In the period 1960-66, the Cepe NP eas regarded in nationalist circlee ee 'the mm opposition party'. This conflict then raged In all the organisations of Afrikaner nationalism, from business groupings^ the Broederbond (itself used ;as a counter force to the Cepe party), churches, Parliament and cabinet. Here the vital question of the relationship between party, government and state must be posed. The yeers immediately before the W> came to power had seen an intense end open politic!eatIon of the state bureaucrecy in South Africa. Political struggles within the capitalist class, and between it and ' specific strata of the petty bourgaolsle and whita workers were fought out so vehemently within the civil service that policy Initiatives of the then- ruling united Party were effectively paralysed. The Afrikaner Broederbond MS particularly ective in this process, commonly referred to as the nationalist 'white-anting• of the government. 27 Immediately on assuming office in 1MB, as Q matter of priority, the NP government began a systematic purge of the senior ranks of the civil eervice end Installed pro- Nationelist eleaante. These purges were carried out by individual Ministers, and Involved a protracted process of struggla within the state apperatuaee. In the process, particular government ministries became powerful political bases for e number of politicians. This should be seen neither in purely subjective nor instrumentalist terms. Rather, it implies thet through the struggle to transform the state apparatus* the state apparatus Itself become a site of ongoing conflict between the cless forces organised in the NP. Specific ministries were identified with specific •regionalist' political lines, end the regionalist struggles were fought out pertielly between particular state Institutions. This led to significant anomalies. Under the Premiership of Or OF Halan, I9a8-5d, a disjuncture developed between the relative regionalist etrengths in the perty on the one hand, and the government on the other. By virtue of the results of the 1948 and 1953 election results, the Transvaal party had finally emerged as the most powerful of the provlnciel NPs. Yet, as simultaneously Prime Minister and leader of the. Cape HP, leslan uastf his prerogatlvea of appointment in en ettempt to shore up Cape dominance in .the government, His first Cab3.net 1 * page G contained but two Transvaal appointments.in relatively insignificant portfolios, whilst 7 Cape attnlatara (in a Cabinet of 12) virtually monopolised the Important poets. Thus, under Malan, particularly powerful Ministries became associated with the 'Cape line* (especially Finance and Transport) whilst the Transvaal struggle against the Cape 'moderation 11 was waged largely from the base of Strljdom and Verwoerd in the Uinistrlss of Lends end Netive Affaire. Thuefar it has been argued that the e separate NPs rest on different social bases and hence have institutionalised significantly varied politics. An lmportent feature of Nationalist politics lies In the ongoing struggle between these various class forces, a struggle institutloneUsed within the verlous parties, and taking the fora of often bitter 'regionalist 1 conflict between them. This conflict ie largely expressed in ideological terms aa deep differences over what constitutes the Afrikaner volk end 'Ite* intereete. It la waged not only through the ftP itself, but the numerous organisations which collectivly comprise organised Afrikaner nationalism. At a second level, this struggla is over whet types of policies should be pursued by the NP as the governing party. The fact that the NP was also the governing perty gave e particular character to the ways in which these conflicts are fought out within the state apparatus. I do not aant to be misunderetood here. This is not to reduce the state as a site of class struggle to a simple conflict between the various tendencies in Afrikaner nationalism. These nmmtt to be situated in their erticulatlon with the wider class struggles end contradictions within and between the state apparatuses. But here I am particularly concerned eith the question of how the effects of the contradictions within Afrikaner nationalise themselves helped structure the particular form of the criais of the South African atate in the mid - late 1970a. Thus, as conflict between organised class forces ovsr state pollcyt these Afrikaner nationalist politics teke piece at three levele
Page 1 and 2: nr mm 1982 !'V V \ 1 i • » * s
Page 3 and 4: » DETENTIONS: Rabie Reports JUBT t
Page 5 and 6: dominate In South Africa. In these
Page 7 and 8: Ma+i-lightwd soee of the IMUN invol
Page 9 and 10: Baper* (LK8), beceuoe of *ta anti-u
Page 11 and 12: [DETENTIONS: Investigating Inquests
Page 13 and 14: peg* 11 officially performed post-m
Page 15 and 16: page 13 unless Inflicted beforw daa
Page 17 and 18: I 0-B« 15 INTRODUCTION TO POLITICA
Page 19 and 20: pega 17 oppressed BOTH by capital a
Page 21 and 22: I suthors' contention thmt it il ox
Page 23 and 24: Q ' analytical tools*( like role th
Page 25 and 26: page 2& •officiant nuebers of the
Page 27 and 28: gar. rgthnicjty: the ordinary peopl
Page 29 and 30: particularly •egaa, end hence wor
Page 31 and 32: £o natch 'their transport to gat h
Page 33 and 34: &C..31 to work in protest against t
Page 35 and 36: [fmgn 33 mturn to th«lr homes In t
Page 37 and 38: paga 36 - _ ' Fane Qeorge dibhole,
Page 39 and 40: peg* T/ appellant c la lea overrule
Page 41 and 42: 'ruling •tunic group'» or eo*eti
Page 43 and 44: in the 1960s extended the process o
Page 45: and othar claaa forces, began to cr
Page 49 and 50: 1939, but aoaa aaabars of the Natio
Page 51 and 52: An Important caveat needs to be wdi
Page 53 and 54: end Vorster by implication. Althoug
Page 55 and 56: of thit Cape party organisation and
Page 57 and 58: ^ — :—: __. * party, In «n ett

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