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divisions of ths working dsy. The rsapsctlvs PWWT, vovUnUon and strength of ths tso conflicting clsssss will, in asch csss, dsclds how e»ch leaus is rasolvad. In such ths ssn way, it sss argusd thst ths ssttlng of ths vslus of labour power sss sn important procsss in soclsty. Conflicts snd struggles ovsr this show up in SBQS disputsa, ohsnQinQ rslstlons bstsssn lndustrlsl snd rursi irNs, snd in s ssriss of othsr wsys. Anothsr important sbstrsct rslstlonshlp discussad lnvolvsd ths diffsrlng positions of tha , vsrious clsssss to ths sssna of production. There srs s nusbsr of dlffsrsnt aays in which ths Cspltmlist clsss csn osn snd control ths assns of production - Involving formal shsrs ownership, ststs lnvolvaasnt, aanagsrlsl rsprsssntstivss noting as sgsnts for owner*, ste. Ths relation of ths votfeing clsss to ths sstarlal sssns of production slso chsngss within ths capitalist sconosy. And, laportsntly, non- capltallat soclstlss (so fsudsl, socialist) Involvs vswy dlffsrsnt rslstlons of bath dirsct producsrs and non-producsrs to lsndt sschlnsry snd tools. This, then, hss bsen ths ssjor sin of ths I ssriss on political sconosyt to identify s sst of important sbstrsct economic relations, and to sss shot thay tall uo about capitalist aocisty In gsnsrsl + Thoss rslstlons which exist within production hsvs bssn concsntrstsd on. Hossvsr, shlls thsy srs ^mry lsportsnt, othsr fsctors hsvs to bs taken into sccount to undsrstand sny soclsty. Ths conditions undsr vhioh cowsloditiss srs praducsd tolls s lot sbout car tain bssic procsssss in cspltsilst soclsty. •vt to undsntsnd apaolflo soolstlss, othsr dynsslcs which do not rslsts only to ths sconosy slso hsvs to bs snslyssd snd understood. m 'ORGANISING WOMEN.' : w Response 1 A controvsrsisl fasiniat ones cospsrsd ths connsctioi bstwssn narxiwa and faainie* to 'ths asrrlsgs of husband snd wifs dsplctsd in English DO—a last mer-ia* snd fsslnias srs ons snd thst ons Is marxism'. 1 Hartman contlnuss hsr si«Ue, 'either wS nssd s hsslthlsr marriage or ws naad s divorca*. Ths srtlcls 'Organising woman' (»JIP 21) is sn Important contribution towards a sors squsl ststs of affairs, but both ths srtlcls snd Hartasn'a sis41s suffsr fros s similar dafact: thsy fsll to go bsyond ths convsntlonally sccsptsd socisl and political fom. Shlls Hartman falls to problssoUss ths Institution of.serrlsgs, ths authors of 'Orgsnising Somen 1 foil to push bsyond ths convsntlcnsl sitss snd fonts of political struggls. Ths thrust of ths srtlcls is how to lntsgrata sossn into clsss struggls. Ths authors ahow vary clssrly thst wording class sossn experience exploitation and oppression, both ss women snd ss SSSbsrs of ths black marking class. Ths thsorstlcsl assumption behind thsir SUM—I sssss to bs thst clsaa atructurds dsfins ths forms of ssxusl opprssslon to which wossn srs subject. Hossvsr, thsy fan to follow through ths political ispliostiona of thalr argument. This is essential if fsainiss la to bs prlorltissd, and put on ths sgende for political action, and not aiaply subsumed undsr class struggle. In ths first plaost two themes within fe-inism t which hsvs consldsrsbls foros hsvs to bs confrontsd If ths prsdcwilnant concsption of fewdnlaa ss s 'ssspon 2 * of lspsrlsllss' or 'bourgsols Indulgsnos' srs to bs dispsllsd. A rsdlcsl fsainiss which sssusas thst ths ssxusl opprssaion of wossn trsnscsnds class divisions sust bat attacked on sll fronts. This psrspsctlvs la exemplified in ths aloosn *A sossn nssds s ssn ilka s fish nssds a blcycls*. wMls this sight exprwse s notion of female autonomy snd lndspsndsncs whloh is valusbls in sons contsxts, it la dangerous snd dlvislvs In s soclsty llKs or own, whsrs progressiva ssn snd wossn hava to units in s corson struggle against exploitation snd opprssslon in sll its fonas. A liberal or bourgsols fssiniss which sssks squsllty with ssn within ths existing order sust slso bs attacked. This kind of fsslnlsa is on ths aacsndsney In South Africs snd fits in vsry wsll with ths 'total strategy' to which capital and ths ststs srs cosslttsd. Totsl etratsgy involvss utUisino sll ths rssourcss svsilsbls to change South Africs in ssys thst ansbla thoss in povsr to rewaiin in possr. Xt lnvolvsa giving privileges to s sslsct group of people - apsclflcslly aoas groups of urtosn blscks - st ths SKpsnss of ths *vaat majority of blocks in ths rursl srsss. In ths ssss ssy, bourgsols feminism involvss lncrsssing ths prlvllsgss of sows groups of Middle clsss sossn st ths axpanss of the vast ssjorlty of sossn in South Africs. This kind of fssiniss sight involvs change, but not progrsas. In ths crisis SS Srs presently fscing there is no roos for sny slllsnos vlth rsdlcsl or bourgsols feminists. Ths euthors of 'Orgsnising Sossn' srs clearly ssntlng to distance thsaaalvsa fros both positions, but this rsojjirss s sors rigorous ststsssnt of ths socialist fssinlst position. Ths wsy forward for socialist fsednlata doss not lis in ths 'equal snd active psrtlclpstlon of wossn in sll orgsniaatlona ' (*XP 21i22). Obviously tha authors srs ssnsltlvs to ths *pull* ths organisations snd lssuss thsy cits hsvs for black working clsss sossn, but in ths present situation more crsstlvs and Innovative strategies are demanded. St rat eg lea suoh ss organising around ths sitss in which working clsss wossn are oppressed hsvs not been prioritised by socialist or national 1st aovsnsnts in South Africs. Sites auch as tha hsslth osrs systas In which woman, both as ths Mjority of producsrs snd consumer* of hsslth csrs ssrvloss, ars sxploltsd snd P«fts J6
pega 17 oppressed BOTH by capital and by een. Sites such a* tha household in ehieh tM elfe's unpaid labour benefits BOTH capital and mm. Looking at altaa of oppression such as th« household and tha health car* system hes tha potential far mobilising women because it involves raising questions about 'the private domain', about our most dooply intieete and paraonal affairs. These question* en* not noneelly tha subject of political struggle. ^ Making these laauaa part of politics, feminism he* bagun to break doan tha barriara ahlch hava kept 00 aany paopla - especially eoeen - out of political struggle. It haa thla potantUl bacauaa it la calling for a 'total politics*, a polltlca atilch flghta oppression on all fronta- Tha notion of tha totality of oppression la cantrml to tha amdit theoretical tradition, but haa baan lost In racialist politics - In methods of organising. It la a tradition on ehicn feminism can build. To raturn to HartsaVt'e alalia, a divorce la needed - not fro* marxism, but froa bourgaola and radical faainlsai and tha divlaiva and dlatractlng atrataglaa they* hava generated. A 'healthier aerrlage* bataaan amrxle* and feminism lnvolvaa prioritising foadnist polltlca in a aora craatlva eey. •Organising eYjaen* leave* "any Important quaaUona unaneeereds 1. *hat la tha rola of tha ahita middle claaa faminiat In our atruggla; a struggle In ahlch aa ara both tha oppraaaad and tha oppressors? Joaaph haa arguad that it la necaasary for ahita feminists to (l) racognlaa thair implication In tha partnership (of capital and patriarchy) aa banafactors and tools; (ii) address tha unique problaaa of black eoeen In tha labour force*; and (ill) distinguish bataaan tha rola of ahita een and black nan in tha partnership of capital and patriarchy (Joaaph, 1901:102). 2. Ihat Is tha rale of tha progressiva een In relation to feeinlee? The currant 'politic** of adoption' 4 la hardly a strong platform froa ahlch alliances could be forge*. One version of this hea boen articulated aa follows: To tha eittent that feminist daaanda flow froa m^ experience of oppression ahlch is specific to eoasn, which een can never themselves emparlance and to ahich they actively contribute, all they can do *e listen, agree and support* Thus male socialists can support women's struggles for tM see* raaaon that they support the struggles of ell oppressed people, and faalnlaa is linked to socialise, through the general cetegory of oppression. This kind of aele solidarity elth faalnlaa aeeas to offer e nee version of an old problem facing ahita middle dees aala lntellactuela: the fact that tha objects of tnelr polltlcel concern have alaays been external and other - the poor, the black, the colonieed, exploited and physically or spiritually crushed in soae Inaccessible combination (Politics and Poeer: 1991:3). 3. la there a case U> be aada for a speclficolly black faainlat politics? Soma time ago, Kollontai posed the question of ehether a united eoeen's aovaaent aas possible in a aoclety based on class contradict lone* ee harve to take thle further and aak ehat are the possibilities for faalnlaa in a v society shot through elth racial Inequality and antagonises? The eexual inequality beteeen black een and somen haa very different historical and cultural beginnings tP those beteeen ehltes, and clearly calls for dlffsrent atrategiee for change. Angela Oavls has ergued that tha inetltutlon of elavery pleyed a curloua role in bringing about equality aaong black een end eoeen. In South Africa, the structure* of apartheid hava created a shared senae of oppression aaong blacks, and generated ymrf particular foree of sexual inequality. Thla eould auggest that tha peculiar dynamics of racial oppression have to be confronted and not subsuaad in claas anelyele. 4. Hoe much dialogue 1* there beteeen ahita and black soman in South Africa at preeent? joaaph seea a prooase of mutual •creation aa the key to political action: Aa black and shite feminists combine forcts In the atruggla against eele aupraascy and ahita supremacy, they rust be willing to communicate and follow a ror-et consisting of dialogue, practise, more dialogue, and acre practise - moving slowly and Inexorably toaerds advanced levela of underetandlng and reepect for one another's dlfferencee. The similarities among eoeen era aaalar to understand and ahould be used es building blocks toearde understanding and respect for racial and claaa dlfferencee. The possibility of an alliance beteeen black and ahita women c*n only bs realised If enite eoeen understend the nature of their oppression eithin the context of the oppression of blacks [Joaaph, 1961:106). Only at that point "ill »• be able to unite in a Lueauii struggle agelnet reclel, saxuel end claas inequality. But tha different forme and structures demanded in thla struggle have to be specified very clearly. Tha authors of 'Organising Women* begin their article by quoting froa the Women's Charter of the Federation of South African Women, l9S4t ahlch etatee, 'we eoeen have stood and will stand shoulder to shoulder (ay aaphesl*) *ith our menfolk In e coaaon struggle egalnst poverty, race and claaa dlscrtadnatiom,*.*. 'finouloer to shoulder' mas a rallying cry among the militant auffragettae of the •o-en's Social and Political Union (ISPU) In Britain early In this century, thla powerful leaps of alliance raise* difficult questions ln the South African context. Thla ooaaent hee simply triad to focus on aoae of thee. Jacklyn Cock (February 196?) •sas '1. Hertaan, H - 'The unhappy aarrlaga of marxism 1979 and feeinlam*, ln Capital and Class. Number 6, ttuaeor 1999. 2. da Chungare, 0 - Let mm Speak. Testimony of 1976 ' DreiitlaTT^oaan of t*e Bolivian elnos, (Qtage 1, London). 3. Joaaph, 0 - 'The incompatible eenege a trois: 1961 aanciaSJ, faalnlaa and reciea 1 In L Sargent (ed) WOaen and Revolution [Pluto Prase, London J. 4. Politics and Pcmrny 111. (Routladge and Kegan Paul, 5. Kollontai, A - Selected Tritings. Allison and 1977 Bueoyt LondonJ. 6. Oevie, A * •Refleetiona on the black eoeen *s role 1971 in Che coeemjnlty of sieves 4 , ln The t Blacx Scholar, vol 3 no 4, December 1971.
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Page 3 and 4: » DETENTIONS: Rabie Reports JUBT t
Page 5 and 6: dominate In South Africa. In these
Page 7 and 8: Ma+i-lightwd soee of the IMUN invol
Page 9 and 10: Baper* (LK8), beceuoe of *ta anti-u
Page 11 and 12: [DETENTIONS: Investigating Inquests
Page 13 and 14: peg* 11 officially performed post-m
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Page 35 and 36: [fmgn 33 mturn to th«lr homes In t
Page 37 and 38: paga 36 - _ ' Fane Qeorge dibhole,
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Page 45 and 46: and othar claaa forces, began to cr
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Page 51 and 52: An Important caveat needs to be wdi
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