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within t>e st«t« apparatus: the Parliamentary<br />

caucus; the cabinet; and within and between the<br />

various state apparatuses.<br />

Acute conflicts and struggle* within Afrikaner<br />

nationalist ranks were a constant feature of South<br />

African politics after 1W8 (and indeed before).<br />

But these were not static struggles. Their content<br />

and forms shifted with the changes in the social<br />

bases of the various provincial NPs* most significant<br />

here was the changing relationship between Caps<br />

finance and agriculture, which began to shift the<br />

Cepe NP into an even more openly oppositional role<br />

within the party. In the immediate aftermath of<br />

the Sherpevllle crlets of I960, particularly whilst<br />

Dr Verwoerd was recovering from %n assassination<br />

attempt, end the forces of the traditional<br />

nationalist alliance were temporarily leederless,<br />

the struggle within the NP was very finely balanced.<br />

However, once Verwoerd returned to political life,<br />

he succeeded in mobilising against the Cepe financial<br />

intereats, all the other elaes forces in the NP. This<br />

wes echieved pertly by epproprieting for the right the<br />

mantle of true Afrikaner nationalism, with<br />

Verwoerd es Its lnfellible leader. For the<br />

remainder of hie Premiership, he M 9<br />

keeping the Cape politically iaolated.<br />

successful in<br />

Verwoerd was able to maintain this alliance<br />

against Cape finance by centrelleing power in both<br />

party and government into hie rolee as National<br />

Leader or the NP and Prime Minister respectively.<br />

.This was unprecedented in the hiatory of the NP. Thus,<br />

the Cape was doubly Isolated - within the party as a<br />

whole, and in the state apparatus Itself. Verwoert's<br />

period as Prime Minister saw a narked diminution in<br />

the powers of both individual Ministers and the<br />

Cabinet itself, with the Prime Minister taking<br />

final responsibility for all crucial decisions, and<br />

often announcing these to Cabinet without coneultation.<br />

Likewise, the NP caucua had its political independence<br />

severely curtailed, and was simply not informed of a<br />

number of crucial political decisions (such as the<br />

vitally important 1959 Promotion of Bantu Self-<br />

Government Bill) before they were laid before<br />

Perliement. Verwoerd was able to operate Ilka this<br />

because of his personal political power base within<br />

the Afrikaner Browdertond. During his Premiership,<br />

the AS Executive Council in many senses displaced<br />

•<br />

the Cabinet as a policy making body. And given thet<br />

the Cepe had no influence within the Broederbond, it<br />

was the ldeel institution through which to mobilise<br />

all class forcea in the nationalist alliance egalnst<br />

the Cepe*<br />

Yet the contradictions and conflicta within<br />

organised Afrikaner netionaliea were in no senee<br />

brought to en end under Verwoerd's authoriterlan<br />

leadership, they were aimply displaced. If an iron<br />

discipline of the mejority eas mainteined in the<br />

party to keep the Cape in line, these struggles<br />

spilled over into bitter conflict in ail the other<br />

orgenisetions of Afrikaner netlonelism, from church<br />

and cultural groups to buslneas organisations, etc.<br />

Here the Sanlam group managed to maintain its control<br />

over the very influential Afrlkaanse Handel sins tltuut<br />

(AHI) ae a major pletfora from which to challanga<br />

the dominant line In the party. Despite e bitter<br />

struggle for power et the 196fl AHI congress, Sanlam<br />

could not be dislodged, and it was predominantly<br />

through the AHI that the Cape line was articulated.<br />

8y 1965, it was openly acknowledged thet Afrikaner<br />

nationalism had Its 'verllote' ('enlightened*) and<br />

'verkrempt* (•reactionary*) wings. The main base of<br />

the verllgtea ley in the Cape party, with elenly<br />

gathering support for ite position amongst certain<br />

business groups In the Transvaal. The so-called<br />

verkrempte wing was' led by Verwoerd. The main<br />

differencee ware over labour policy and relations<br />

with English capitalists* The Cape groups favoured<br />

much looser restrictions on the mobility and training<br />

of afrlcan labour and close co-operation with<br />

English buslneae. But these were in many respects<br />

the fundamental questions around which Afrikaner<br />

netlonelism es a claaa alliance hinged - these<br />

issues touched directly the Intereats of all the<br />

verious class forces organised under Afrikaner<br />

nationalism), tt eae precisely the accumulation of<br />

capital by the Cepe financiers and their new<br />

independence from the economic support of Afrikaner<br />

fanners, petty bourgeoleie and sorters, which led to<br />

this change in Sanlam's position on the crucial<br />

issues of influx control, skilled labour, finance<br />

policy, etc. Thus, what the verllgtea eere in feet<br />

advocating wes e new Interpretation of the interests,<br />

of the Afrikaner volk, one which concentrated<br />

particularly on the needs of the rapidly growing<br />

group of powerful Afrikaner capitalist* led by Swnlem.<br />

The assassination of Or Verwoen) in September<br />

1966 brought these contredictlons out into the open,<br />

Into a vicioua fight within the NP itself. In these ^<br />

atrugglea, the personal political poaition of the<br />

new NP leader, John Voreter, became vitally Important,<br />

in that it was a significant factor in the form taken<br />

by these struggles.<br />

From the viewpoint of all 'normal* political<br />

considerations. 8J Voreter should never have been<br />

elected leeder of the NP and Prime Minister. Almost<br />

everything in hie political past told against him.<br />

During the 19eOs he had b—n e leader of the bitterly<br />

enti-NP and Nexl-orlented Oasewa Branding. In the<br />

1948 election Voreter had attacked the NP aa anti­<br />

democratic whan It opposed his candidacy for the W»*s<br />

election partner, the Afrikaner Party. Defying perty<br />

discipline, Voreter fought tne election ae en<br />

independent, ioeing by two votee, thereby denying<br />

en otherwise eefe eeat to the Natlonmliet coalition.<br />

He hed only Joined the NP in 1951 and been elected<br />

to Parliament in 1933. He hed nm^r developed a<br />

strong personal political beam within the Tranavaal<br />

perty. In 1966 he ranked a lowly thirteenth in<br />

Cabinet seniority, end as Minister of Police, had<br />

been the man ultimately responsible for ttie Prime<br />

Minister's safety when Verwoerd waa killed. The only<br />

other candidate for the leadership eea the moat eenior<br />

member of the cabinet. Transport Minister Ben ScJvjemmn,<br />

deputy leader of the Treneveal Party before the death<br />

of Verwoerd. But Bchoaman's political paet told<br />

against him too. He waa one of the diminishing band<br />

of so-called oud-ameIters, le Natlonmliata who in<br />

the 19Xe had split the Nationalist Party to join<br />

the United Party. He hed come back to the fold In

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